Pierre Douville, Lieutenant

Continental Navy Lieutenant Pierre Douville was born in the port village of St. Peter’s at Saint John’s Island, now known as Prince Edward Island, in 1745 to Marie Roger or Roge’ (1709-1785) and Francois Douville (1684-1757). His mother was the daughter of Gabriel Roger, a pioneer merchant in the community. Pierre was the tenth of eleven children and the couple’s youngest son. The Douville’s were married in 1722 when Francois was about thirty-eight and Marie was thirteen years old. Pierre Douville was baptized on 7 August 1745 with godparents Jacques Douville and Josephe Carpentier in attendance. According to an article written by Georges Arsenault, the cleric presiding over the 30 January 1757 funeral of Francois Douville recorded that Pierre’s father was the “First inhabitant of the said Island”. A 1728 census indicates the senior Douville, who was born in Normandy, settled there in 1719. There is speculation that Francois Douville came to the island involuntarily as a shipwrecked sailor or as a cod fisherman either looking to settle in the New World or scouting the island for investors back home in France. The 1752 census identifies him as one of the most prosperous inhabitants whose multiple occupations are listed as fisherman, navigator and ploughman or farmer. At his death, Francois Douville apparently owned multiple properties hosting large herds; as well as, several fishing vessels. He also operated a flour mill at present day Bristol.

The year following the senior Douville’s death, Pierre along with his mother, seven siblings and extended family were forcibly removed from the island by the British in the Acadian deportation to France in what is known as the “Grand Derangement”. French and Anglo interests in the New World had been at war since before the British conquest of Acadia in 1710 and continually simmered due to Acadians’ refusal to pledge allegiance to Great Britain. For a time English settlements were contained in the Canadian maritimes; however political, economic and military forces soon drove thousands of Acadians out of Nova Scotia- many of them to St. John’s. As part of the French colony in America, St. John’s Island was protected by a local garrison of soldiers attached to the main French stronghold of Louisbourg on Cape Breton Island. A successful siege of Louisbourg fortress by New England troops during King George’s War in the year of Pierre Douville’s birth resulted in the subjugation of the French population despite a spirited defense of the island. For six years beginning in 1749, native-American and Acadian forces continued resistance against British and New England colonists in what is now referred to as Father LeLoutre’s War. After the second successful siege of fortress Louisbourg in 1758 during the French and Indian War, yet another wave of forced expulsion commenced. It is during this time that thirteen year old Pierre Douville and his family found themselves among the almost 700 refugees from Saint John’s deported to France, arriving there on 23 January 1759 after a three month winter crossing of the Atlantic on one of five English ships loaded with “Human Goods”. Within a short time of their arrival at the port city of Saint-Malo on the English Channel in Brittany, Pierre lost three sisters and a brother to epidemic disease running rampant among the refugees.

According to research by Patricia H. Forsander published on www.genealogy.com; the Douville family resided for the next four years at Saint-Servan, a suburb of Saint-Malo which is today bisected by Douville Boulevard. The displaced Acadians were subsidized by the crown with a six sol per day allowance, just higher than the average wage of a common laborer. This handout was not so much out of compassion for their plight but as a countering response to the British offer of “sixpence per day for their Subsistence and…to each what may be reasonable for Lodging” in exchange for swearing allegiance. With the end of the Seven Years War and the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1763, France ceded all territorial claims in North America except the island archipelago of St. Pierre and Miquelon which were returned by the British. These islands are located at the entrance of Fortune Bay, just off the southern coast of Newfoundland near the rich fishing grounds of the Grand Banks. Pierre Douville, now almost eighteen, and his surviving family boarded the transport Marie Charlotte in June 1763 to relocate to the last remaining French colony in North America. Upon their arrival at Miquelon, the Douville family was first granted property on lle-aux-Chiens , literally “Island of the Dogs”. Today the uninhabited low-lying outcrop just east of Saint Pierre is known as lle-aux-Marins, or “Island of the Sailors”. In time, the family was removed from that place to Saint Pierre or St. Peter’s.

According to the 2008 article “Pierre Douville: an illustrious son of St John” authored by Georges Arsenault and appearing in the The Acadian Museum of Prince Edward Island publication “Little Souvenance”; Pierre Douville left his family for a life at sea the following year. The young mariner went on board the flute Nanny contracted by the crown to transport displaced Acadians from Europe to Cayenne in French Guiana located on the Northeast coast of South America. Peace with Great Britain and the loss of its North American territories, generated a desire to expand the French colonial empire in the West-Indies, Antilles and Guiana. French officials intended that peace-loving, hard-working Acadian farmers would eventually replace the slave-based economy there which produced cocoa, coffee, sugar and indigo for export. A number of ships departed from French ports in 1794 conveying about two hundred Acadians recruited for the resettlement scheme with promises of future prosperity and fifty livre incentive payments coupled with threats of losing their sustenance subsidy. Arriving at Kourou just Northwest of Cayenne in the fall, these settlers were ill-prepared for the disastrous adventure. Although hundreds more emigrated to the Acadian communities of Sinnamary, Kourou and Cayenne in December 1764 and early 1765, the French government soon realized that the collapse of “La Nouvelle Colonie” on the South American mainland was inevitable and offered to return the settlers to France.

Arsenault’s research indicates that Pierre Douville next served as a second lieutenant on the vessel Two Friends in 1765 conveying forty-five Acadians to France, forced by French authorities to leave Saint-Pierre and Miquelon. It is possible this ship is the brigantine Two Friends under the command of John Tucker which was earlier evicted from fishing grounds in Englee and Canada Harbor on the Northern Peninsula of Newfoundland by the HMS Lark in July 1764. The master of this Two Friends was employed by Anthony Colombier who subsequently filed a complaint against Lark’s commander Lieutenant Peter Vancourt. Colombier testified that he “had been granted the land by Gov. Thomas Graves in 1762, went to great expense installing storehouses, stages, etc. to prosecute a fishery, and was unmolested in 1762 and 1763.” Columbier reasoned further that if French fishing rights assured by the Treaty of Paris were not upheld then “French fishermen may only dry fish on this coast”. Pierre Douville subsequently entered the coastal sailing trade between Saint-Pierre and New England and sometime about 1770 settled first at Pawtucket, then Providence, RI where he became a shipmaster working for wealthy merchant houses.

By the time of the War for Independence, Pierre Douville is well-established in Rhode Island and apparently in command of a vessel accepting orders from Providence merchants and slave-traders Nicholas Brown (1729-1791) and his brother John Brown (1736-1803), founders of Brown University. Based on a series of letters posted from Providence on 15 November 1775 published on pages 1031-1033 in Volume 2 of “Naval Documents of the American Revolution”, merchant sea captains Pierre Douville and Jonathan Clarke, Jr. are associated with Brown in an adventure to ship badly needed French arms and ammunition for use by the Continental Army from Saint-Pierre to any convenient and familiar port from Providence to Long Island. One undocumented source suggests the governor of Rhode Island Nicholas Cooke proposed Douville as the ideal person for the smuggling operation and yet another states Douville himself pitched the idea to General Washington on early September 1775. Jonathan Clarke, a New Haven shipmaster with an almost two decade-long relationship with the Brown family, had just completed at that time a voyage from the Canary Islands to Annapolis on the brig Baltimore in June 1775 suggestive of a slave trade run. Perhaps ironically, Clarke was appointed master of the sloop Liberty on 27 May 1776 immediately subsequent to his service in obtaining these military supplies. Clarke’s mastery of Douville’s native French language is evident in his apparent appointment as the Marquis de Malmedy’s linguist later in December 1776. In one of the referenced letters, Nicholas Brown requests Charles Jovett, a shipowner and resident of St. Peter’s acquainted with Douville; to load his vessel with a cargo of codfish, liver oil, caulking pins “and Good soldier Guns compleetly fitted with Iron or Steel Ramrods & Bayonets …worth 10 dollars apiece, & pistles swords & Hangers in proportion …But Above all that Most Wanting is Cannon & Pistle Powder”. Douville evidently had informed Nicholas Brown that up to five tons of gunpowder could be gotten there and delivered by 1 April 1776. Brown minimizes the risky smuggling operation by promising Jovett “There will be no grait Danger except the Seas, to Come, in the Winter As the English Men of War & Tenders will Doubtless be All in Winter Quarters before that Time.” In a last minute addendum to the letter, Brown offers Jovett the leeway to “Choose to go to france in our Vessel or otherways” in order to acquire the desired cargo but recognizes “the resque you know as well as Anybody”. Due to their sensitive and incriminating nature, much of the Brown’s orders were verbally conveyed to Captains Douville and Clark with the instruction “They will (if necessary) let you in to the Knowledge of th[e] Voyage & our orders to them.” Nicholas finished the postscript by adding, “But whither you ingage In eighter or not We Esteem you Honr & friendship so much As to hope you will keep Secrets & Use your Utmost Influence and Interest in Assisting them”. Jovett is a bit of a mystery however, it is known that another New Haven sea captain William Brintnal (1745-1826) was master of the sloop Charles Jovett bound from New Haven to Jamaica in December 1773. It is therefore assumed he was involved with the New England and West Indies trade, as well as the cod fishery industry.

In reality, the codfish represented only one cargo leg of a secret triangular trade which brought arms and ammunition to the rebellious colonies from French sources. It is difficult to precisely determine the details of Douville and Clarke’s orders and their private personal communications with their contact at St. Peter’s. An undated later endorsement added to the top of Nicholas Brown’s letter to Charles Jovett reads “The Knowledge of the Transaction in the forgoing Letter Came to Us by Mr Jonathan Clark, who when they Came in with the Land went on shore after a Pilote, and Emediatly After, the Vessel was taken Mr Clark was Eaqually Conserned as facter in the Voyage with Capt Deveil [Douville] And Confirms the foregoing Letr & Directions by Subscribing his Name to this postscript.” The details surrounding this postscript are made clear in a letter to George Washington dated 21 May 1776 from General Israel Putnam, also published in “Naval Documents of the American Revolution”, which opens the explanation with “Missfortune on misfortune”. Putnam reveals that Clarke and Douville, in command of a ship owned by Brown loaded with twelve tons of gunpowder and “500 Small Arms & dry goods” was taken by HMS Asia’s armed tender who carried her prize into Sandy Hook. According to General Putnam, “The English Captn with a Boats Crew came on shore for Assistance to land his Goods, soon after the French Capt who was on Board- saw a small Sloop to Leward beating up to him, tis supposed he thot them friends- he immediately weigh’d anchor and bore down for them when unluckily it prov’d to be one of Asia’s tenders”. According to Captain Clarke’s official report recorded in the Journal of the New York Provincial Congress dated 21 May 1776, the badly needed cargo of gunpowder did not emanate from France but from French sources in the Caribbean. It reads, “Capt. Jonathan Clarke, late from the French West Indies and bound to some port to the eastward, attended, and was admitted. He informs that he has had the misfortune to have his vessel and cargo seized and taken by an armed tender near Black Point, below Sandy Hook.” In response to Clarke’s report on the loss and associated request for a “small sum of money” to support the four crewmen of the ship’s boat who landed with him “on the back of Long Island”, the Provincial Congress voted to advance the unfortunate captain twenty-five dollars.

The French captain General Israel Putnam refers to is Pierre Douville, captured off Shrewsberry Inlet near Sandy Hook on 20 May 1776 on board the French sloop L’Amiable Marie. The vessel was probably Douville’s and named ‘friendly Marie’ after his mother, who one genealogical source states was the most popular marrain on Saint John’s (Prince Edward) Island with more than 24 godchildren. Douville had been in command of L’Amiable Marie since before the gunpowder smuggling operation was conceived. A ship’s roll dated 30 July 1775 and published at: http://daniel.burgot.perso.neuf.fr/html/genealogie/aimablemarie.htm places the 55 ton vessel at France with a cargo belonging to Nantes merchants Plombard and Legris & Co. A 6 June 1776 letter from Nicholas Brown to Messieurs Plombard and Legris suggests the trading house, which was not heavily invested in American trade, was also involved with the doomed arms shipment. Serving under the twenty-eight year old Master Pierre Douville as master’s mate and relief captain on the voyage of L’Amiable Marie in the summer of 1775 was thirty-six year old John Clere. L’Amiable Marie was manned by twenty year old Pierre Dubois, Etienne Arsonneau age eighteen and sixteen year old Louis Marie Dubois, all Arcadians. Whether any of the crew continued with the vessel only to be captured by the British ten months later is not known. Black Point and Shrewsberry Inlet are located near present day Sea Bright, just south of Sandy Hook at the confluence of the Navesink and Shrewsberry Rivers. Clearly, Captain Douville was attempting to elude the British chase and land his goods up one of the short rivers in proximity to American resistance forces in the Jersey Highlands. General Washington would receive yet another letter about the affair from Continental Navy Commodore Esek Hopkins on 2 September 1776 requesting personal attention concerning the exchange of “near kinsman” Henry Hawkings, a “common hand” captured with Douville’s sloop. One source claims that Pierre Douville’s participation in the American arms smuggling scheme in 1775 resulted in the burning of his family’s homestead farm at Saint-Pierre by the enraged British.

Some sources suggest Pierre Douville entered public service on 13 June 1775 as an officer on the sloop Providence under Captain Abraham Whipple. Two days after that date, Rhode Island’s General Assembly ordered the Committee of Safety to fit out two ships to defend the colony’s shipping. One of the two vessels chartered for that purpose was the sloop Katy owned by Providence merchant John Brown, brother of Nicholas. Abraham Whipple was commissioned her captain and appointed commodore of the tiny Rhode Island fleet which soon thereafter captured the tender of HMS frigate Rose. Katy spent the summer protecting Narragansett Bay from enemy cruisers prior to departing on 12 September 1775 on a cruise to acquire gunpowder for Washington’s desperate army. Upon Whipple’s return to Providence, the sloop Katy was purchased by Rhode Island on 31 October 1775. In November, the Rhode Island sloop sailed to Philadelphia carrying sailors enlisted in the Continental Navy and upon arriving on 3 December was immediately taken into Continental Navy service and renamed Providence. It is certainly possible that Pierre Douville served as lieutenant under Captain Abraham Whipple on the sloop Katy from June through October 1775 in the service of Rhode Island. However, it is also clear from his voyage to St.Peter’s and the French West Indies between November 1775 and May 1776 to acquire gunpowder and subsequent capture, Douville was not attached to the sloop Katy after she entered Continental service and became known as the Providence. Those sources may also be mistaking the Rhode Island privateer Providence with the Continental Navy sloop Providence. It is also conceivable that Pierre Douville served as lieutenant on the private armed letter-of-marque Providence owned by his future father-in-law Samuel Aborn and under the command of his future bride’s brother Lowry Aborn in April 1775.

Pierre Douville entered service in the Continental Navy as 3rd Lieutenant on the 20-gun ship Alfred sometime 5 September and 23 October 1776. He apparently followed former 3rd Lieutenant John Fanning who left the vessel for the sloop Fly in February 1776 but is not listed on the Alfred’s roll of officers and men who served from the time of her commission until 5 September 1776 left with the ship by Captain Dudley Saltonstall upon his departure. Alfred’s first commander Saltonstall was replaced by 1st Lieutenant Jonathan Pitcher for a brief period and subsequently permanently relieved as captain by John Paul Jones on 22 October 1776. The following day Pierre Douville, spelled Deville in the records, is noted as a participant in the court-martial of brigantine Hamden’s gunner James Bryant held on board the Alfred in Newport. Third Lieutenant Pierre Deville is also included on the list of men entitled to prize shares in the British ship Mellish and brig Active taken by the Continental Navy ship Alfred in late November 1776. Sometime after Lieutenant Robert Sanders’ departure from the ship likely between late November 1776 and Captain Elisha Hinman’s assumption of command in late January 1777, Pierre Douville was promoted to 2nd Lieutenant of the Alfred. He served in this capacity until the Alfred’s capture. During Douville’s service on the vessel under the command of John Paul Jones, the ship Alfred cruised first off the coast of Newfoundland in company with the Continental Navy sloop Providence, departing from Tarpaulin Cove near Nantucket and bound to Boston between 2 November and 16 December 1776. It was during this voyage that the brig Active was taken with a rich cargo of fine goods, an unnamed snow with a cargo of fish and the ship Mellish, armed for war and laden with soldier’s clothing. The Alfred’s crew also burned warehouses and materials used in the British whale and cod fishery at Canso, Nova Scotia during this adventure. It is believed by this writer that a “Sketch of the Bay and Coal Mines at Cape Briton” listed in “A calendar of John Paul Jones manuscripts in the Library of Congress” (1903) misidentified as the November 1777 work of one D’Arvoilles was actually drawn by Douville for Jones on the occasion of this cruise.

Now under the command of Captain Elisha Hinman, Alfred next cruised from Boston to Portsmouth, NH from 25 July to 1 August 1777 and then from Portsmouth to L’Orient, France in company with the frigate Raleigh to obtain military supplies between 22 August and 6 October 1777. On the trans-Atlantic crossing the two Continental Navy vessels captured four small prizes. Departing L’Orient on 29 December 1777, Alfred again sailed in company with the Raleigh to the Senegal River in British West Africa, arriving on 15 January 1778. The ship Alfred left the Senegal with Raleigh on 1 February 1778 taking a small sloop before setting course for the West Indies and home. On 9 March 1778, near Barbados, they encountered British warships Ariadne and Ceres. When the American ships attempted to flee, Alfred fell behind her faster consort. Shortly after noon the British men-of-war caught up with Alfred and forced her to surrender after a half an hour’s battle. Alfred gave and received a number of broadsides during the half hour fight. Most of the 181 crew were taken out of the “Rebel Ship Alfred” and entered on the frigate Ariadne, including the seven ranking officers, 2nd Lieutenant Pierre Douville among them. Alfred’s officers were subsequently transferred to HMS Yarmouth under Captain Nicholas Vincent. Second Lieutenant of Marines Nathaniel Richards was released at Barbados due to the intercession of the English captain, a family friend. Sent on a cartel to Martinique, Richards took passage for home from in the brig Charming Sally. He was captured again by Captain McCartney commanding HMS Ambuscade and taken prisoner to Halifax. His release was finally obtained on 7 July 1778 and Nathaniel Richards sailed on a cartel to New London, arriving on 28 July. From Barbados the remaining officers were transported to England, arriving at Gosport before being confined at Forton Prison on 18 July 1778.

The journal of Forton prisoner Timothy Connor published by William Richard Cutter in “A Yankee Privateersman in Prison in England, 1777-1779” records their arrival, “Saturday, 18th. Very hot weather. This day came on shore five officers belonging to the Alfred, twenty gun ship, out of Boston; Capt. Inman [Elisha Hinman], his first and second sailing lieutenants, and captain and lieutenant of marines. Likewise came on shore five more prisoners, all Americans; the prize master and four hands taken in a prize belonging to the schooner Hawk, out of Marblehead (but belonging to Manchester), mounting ten carriage guns, one Capt. Hibbet commander. No news for us as yet. Out of all hopes.” The pension affidavit of Third Lieutenant Charles Bulkey indicates Connor misidentified him as the second, who was Douville. According to Bulkey, the five officers confined at Forton where Hinman, First Lieutenant Peter Richards, himself, Captain of Marines John Welch and Lieutenant of Marines William Hamilton. Sometime between the capture of the Alfred and the arrival of her officers in England on the Yarmouth, 2nd Lieutenant Pierre Douville was exchanged. It is likely this exchange was for a British officer held by the French in the West Indies as Douville was back home in Providence by the time of his marriage, just eight days after his fellow officers were incarcerated at Forton.

Pierre Douville was married to Cynthia Aborn, the fifth of seven children of Samuel Aborn (1725-1801) and Mary Burrows (1732-1797), just one week after her eighteenth birthday at the King’s Church in Providence on Sunday 26 July 1778. The bride’s father Samuel Aborn was a colonel in the Rhode Island militia in command of the fort at Pawtuxet, as well as a deputy to the Rhode Island Assembly from Warwick. The Anglican marriage ceremony at the fifty-six year old wooden sanctuary was officiated by the Reverend John Graves who had been the rector there since before Cynthia’s birth. The wedding must have offered both Graves and the church family a welcome respite from the ecclesiastical tension that enveloped the Church of England during the Revolution. Like other Rhode Island vicars, Rev. Graves continued to offer regular Sunday prayer for King George and the royal family, a source of great offense to many parishioners. Eventually during the hostilities, the doors of King’s Church would close and Graves ministry there came to an end. Located on North Main Street, the Episcopal church was later renamed St. John’s in 1794.

Immediately after his marriage, in late July 1778 Pierre Douville was attached to the 90-gun ship-of-the-line Languedoc, flagship of the French fleet at Rhode Island then under the command of Vice Admiral Charles Hector Count d’ Estaing (1729-1794). The Continental Navy Lieutenant served in that same capacity with the Marine Royale as an additional “Lieutenant de Vaisseau” on the Languedoc. Interestingly, although he had already served the Continental Congress about two years in that capacity and an additional year prior to that in other quasi-public service, Pierre Douville was not added to the official list of commissioned officers of the Continental Navy until 25 August 1778. Some sources suggest Douville was taken on d’ Estaing’s vessel at the “particular request” of General George Washington due to his extensive knowledge of the New England coast. He apparently participated in d’ Estaing’s naval action with Lord Richard Howe commencing on 10 August and continuing through 28 August 1778. During this running battle with both a tempestuous storm and the British fleet, the severely storm-damaged Languedoc and her compliment of 1,181 men were engaged by the smaller 50-gun HMS Renown who raked her victim with a starboard broadside that spewed iron across Languedoc’s decks from stern to bow. The Frenchmen were fortunate to escape surrender when nightfall and the timely arrival of French assistance brought an end to the hot action. Douville enjoyed a brief respite at his Pawtuxet home while “waiting orders” as d’ Estaing refitted his flagship at Boston during 1779. A receipt for cash paid to Lieutenant Pierre Douville’s father-in-law Colonel Samuel Aborn (1725-1801) on 11 February 1779 for L146.1.6 or about $487 for his “Service as pilot on Board the French Fleet” was probably associated with his time on board the Languedoc. The older brother of Douville’s wife Lorain, or Lowrey, Aborn (1758-1830) was paid in the same manner for similar services.

According to editors ‎Elmer James Ferguson and ‎John Catanzariti in “The Papers of Robert Morris, 1781-1784” (1984), Lieutenant Douville served “on the Queen of France and was captured when that ship was sunk during the fall of Charleston“. While not certain, it is likely Douville entered on the vessel prior to 18 June 1779 when under the command of Captain John Peck Rathbun she sailed in company with the sloop Ranger and frigate Providence from Boston. While on the celebrated cruise off the coast of Newfoundland in July 1779, the three Continental Navy ships infiltrated the Jamaican merchant fleet during which the American squadron captured eleven prizes. Sailing in dense fog among British warships protecting the fleet, the Americans took the merchantmen in secret before escaping at nightfall. Eight made Boston with the three Continental ships in late August, the prize ships and cargoes selling for more than a million dollars. Most certainly, Lieutenant Pierre Douville was serving on the 28-gun Continental frigate when Queen of France departed Boston with frigates Providence and Boston in company with sloop Ranger on 23 November 1779 to cruise east of Bermuda. The squadron, under the command of Commodore Abraham Whipple, took the 12-gun privateer Dolphin on 5 December before arriving at Charleston on 23 December 1779 to assist in the defense of the city besieged by the British. The Queen of France was stationed in the Ashley River to prevent British forces from attacking the city. Eventually her guns were removed and she was scuttled, her officers and men going ashore and serving as artillerymen in defensive fortifications until the city fell. The siege of Charleston ended with her fall to the British on 12 May 1780 and the surrender of all American defenders including the Continental Navy contingent of all four vessels.

Among the number of Continental Navy officers and men released by mid-July, Douville returned to duty on 16 August 1780 as an auxiliary lieutenant on board the 80-gun French flagship Duc de Bourgogne, or Duke of Burgundy, under Rear Admiral Charles de Ternay. Chevalier de Ternay (1723-1780) had just arrived at Newport on 10 July in command of the naval forces associated with “Expédition Particulière” transporting Lieutenant General Count de Rochambeau’s “Auxiliary Army of France” to aid in America’s bid for independence. This intervention was the result of an alliance forged over two years earlier on 6 February 1778. Unfortunately, the French fleet was bottled up in the Narragansett Bay by the British Navy shortly after de Ternay’s arrival. It was during this time of naval inactivity that Douville apparently impregnated his new bride who would bear their first born son and namesake the following year on 19 June 1781. Lieutenant Douville also became acquainted with Claude Blanchard, the commissary of the French auxiliary army during that time. Blanchard’s journal entry for 23 November 1780 published in 1876 reads, “On the 23d, in tolerably fine weather, I was three or four leagues from Providence, and I saw large tracts of country newly cleared and many houses recently built. This district will grow rich and become peopled gradually. I dined at Patuxet in the house of M. Dourville, a Canadian and a lieutenant in the American navy. He had married in this village where he was held in esteem; he was of great use to me for the wood-cutting which was entrusted to me. He had been employed upon the squadron of M. d’Estaing, and M de Ternay had also employed him on his vessel.” Upon the death of Chevalier de Ternay due to a “putrid fever” at the Newport home of Dr. William Hunter on 15 December 1780, Douville was transferred to the 64 gun Jason under the command of Captain Jean Isaac Chadeau de la Clocheterie as “Lieutenant de vaisseau” or ship’s Lieutenant in early 1781. The third rate frigate distinguished herself in the 16 March 1781 engagement known as the Battle of Cape Henry between the British naval squadron of Vice Admiral Arbuthnot and a French fleet under Admiral Charles René Dominique Sochet or Chevalier Destouches. Destouches had succeeded de Ternay as interim commander of the Duc de Bourgogne and the French fleet. He was requested by General Washington to sail for the Chesapeake in order to participate in a joint operation with the Continental Army to confront the British army of General Benedict Arnold in Virginia. Destouches’ orders were frustrated by Arbuthnot’s successful repulse of his fleet and returned to Newport with five dead and one wounded on the Jason among the expedition’s 184 casualties.

Jacques-Melchior Saint-Laurent, Comte de Barras (1719-1793) arrived at Boston from France on 6 May 1781 to take command of the French fleet on news of de Ternay’s death. On de Barras’ arrival, Chevalier Destouches assumed command of the 74-gun Neptune, placing the French Canadian Pierre Douville in the capacity of Lieutenant on that vessel for a time while listing him on the ship’s book as “American”. On 27 August 1781, the French naval squadron of Count de Barras departed Narragansett Bay with eight ships-of-the-line, four frigates and eighteen transports conveying French armament and siege equipment to the Chesapeake Bay in order to rendezvous with Rear Admiral Francois Joseph Paul Count de Grasse whose fleet who had sailed earlier from the West Indies. It is assumed that Douville returned to the Duke of Burgundy to serve directly under de Barras. Ignoring specific orders to mount an expedition to Newfoundland, Count de Barras was persuaded by Rochambeau to sail south instead to assist de Grasse in forming a blockade of the bay preventing Rear Admiral Sir Thomas Graves’ fleet from relieving Lord Charles Cornwallis and his besieged British army at Yorktown. The two fleets met in battle near the mouth of the Chesapeake on 5 September 1781 with the French naval victory directly resulting in Cornwallis’ surrender on 19 October 1781. Douville and de Barras’ fleet did not arrive until 10 September, five days after the engagement, however conveyed badly need supplies to the French and American siege troops. Lieutenant Douville remained with the French Navy after Yorktown, sailing with the combined fleets to the West Indies where he participated in an expedition under Count de Barras to capture Montserrat in February 1782. At the conclusion of his service on the Duke of Burgundy, Pierre Douville was honored in a letter of recommendation by Count de Barras written on board the French flagship on 24 March 1782. It roughly translates, “We the Lieutenant General Naval Armed Forces, Commander of the Royal and Military Order of St. Louis, certify that Mr. Douville, a lieutenant in the Navy of the United States of America, has served nearly two years in duty as a Lieutenant of Vessels off the coast of New England on the King’s ship the Duke of Burgundy, under our immediate orders, and those under the Generals who have preceded us in command of the squadron stationed on the coast of Northern America, and we declare that we have always been completely satisfied with his services in duty off the northern coasts of America as an officer of the sea and as a man of war.”

Afterward, Continental Navy Lieutenant Pierre Douville was attached to the 80-gun Ship-of-the-Line le Triomphant, flagship of Louis-Philippe de Rigaud, the Marquis de Vaudreuil (1724-1802). Vaudreuil was second in command of the French Navy during the American Revolution and interestingly- like Douville, of French Canadian descent. Both his grandfather and uncle were governors of Canada while his father was an admiral in the French Navy. Marquis de Vaudreuil had earlier been in command of the Sceptre during the Battle of the Chesapeake and had fought on land with the Duke of Lauzun defeating Tarleton’s dreaded cavalry at Yorktown. According to at least one source, Douville served on the Triomphant during the Battle of the Saintes also known as the Battle of Dominica between 9-12 of April 1782. During this sea battle between a British fleet under the command of Admiral Sir George Rodney and the French fleet of Count de Grasse, one French ship-of-the-line was destroyed while four others were taken captive, including de Grasse’s flagship with him on board. Vaudreuil is credited with saving the balance of the French fleet however, returning to Boston after the disastrous defeat and assuming overall command of the French Navy in America. A letter from Robert Morris to de Vaudreuil dated 3 October 1782 suggests that Lieutenant Pierre Douville’s duty on the Triomphant had come to an honorable completion with a letter of recommendation from the Marquis to the Continental Agent of Marine. However, it is possible that Douville was one of the Triomphant’s three unnamed auxiliary officers when his former commander, John Paul Jones stepped aboard at Boston on 23 December 1782. Having completed the construction and launching of the only 74-gun ship built for the Continental Navy and delivered it as a gift to the French King on 5 November 1772 under orders from the Continental Congress; Captain Jones requested on 29 November that the Agent of Marine seek permission from Congress for him to serve with the Marquis de Vaudreuil. It is possible that John Paul Jones’ former lieutenant on the Alfred, Pierre Douville had solicited his service with Vaudreuil, although no supporting documentary evidence has yet surfaced. Triomphant’s lieutenant during Jones’ cruise was Louis-Gaspard le Gardeur, Sieur de Repentigny (1753-1808), who like Lieutenant Pierre Douville and the ship’s commander Marquis de Vaudreuil was French Canadian. Lieutenant Repentigny had earlier served with Vaudreuil on the Magnanimous. John Paul Jones would sail on board Vaudreuil’s flagship Triomphant for five months in the West Indies before returning to Philadelphia by another vessel in May 1783.

Details of that cruise are recorded by Jones himself. “As I foresaw that the plan conceived by the Chevalier de la Luzerne and Mr. Morris would probably not be carried out, I addressed myself to Congress without losing any time, and on December 4, 1782, I obtained an act from that body ordering me to embark on a ship of His Majesty’s fleet at Boston, under the orders of the Marquis de Vaudreuil, scheduled to join the Count d’Estaing in his expedition against Jamaica, etc. The prospect was very agreeable to me, because of all those who were assigned to serve on this expedition no one knew the Island of Jamaica as well as I, and since the Count d’Estaing had commanded a fleet of more than 70 ships of the line and a great army, I hoped to find myself in the best military school in the world, where I would be able to render myself very useful and would necessarily acquire very important knowledge about conducting large scale military operations. The Marquis de Vaudreuil received me politely on board his own flagship, le Triomphant, and billeted me in the Council Chamber with the Baron de Viomenil, who commanded the land forces. The Marquis de Vaudreuil’s squadron of 10 ships of the line, two frigates, and one cutter left Boston on December 24. The admiral’s intention was to join at the latitude of Portsmouth with two other ships of the line, l’Auguste and le Pluton, then in that port and under the orders of his brother (as the America was still not ready to put to sea); but stormy weather and contrary winds prevented this juncture and put the squadron into a disagreeable situation because of the proximity of the coast and of the Bay of Fundy. The admiral then attempted to join the ship le Fantasque, carrying troops from Rhode Island, but this also failed. The squadron, having lost sight of several ships loaded with masts and 20 merchantmen being convoyed to Boston, set course for the island of Puerto Rico. When that island was within sight, the Marquis de Vaudreuil was warned that Admiral Hood was cruising at the latitude of Cape Francois with 16 vessels of the line, and that Admiral Pigot, with greater forces, was at Saint Lucia, so that the enemy would necessarily consider the Marquis de Vaudreuil’s squadron an easy prey that could not escape Hood or Pigot.”
“The Marquis de Vaudreuil remained at the latitude of San Juan, Puerto Rico, for 10 days, practiced all kinds of fleet maneuvers, and then took 16 ships from a large convoy that had arrived at San Juan from France and headed toward the western end of Puerto Rico. Some of the flyboats sent to cruise by Hood perceived the squadron near the Mona Passage and immediately went to inform him that the Marquis de Vaudreuil was sailing south of St. Domingue on the way to some port on the west coast of that island or on the east side of Cuba, for the expedition to Jamaica. They were in error: the squadron headed south, into the wind, and passed to the leeward and within sight of the Island of Curacao, near the South American coast. The rendezvous that had been agreed upon by Don Solano and the Marquis de Vaudreuil at Cape Francois after the defeat of the Count de Grasse was held in utmost secrecy, and no one had the least idea that it was Porto Cabello on the continent of South America at 20 leagues to the windward of Curacao. The squadron maneuvered for three weeks along the coast against a current that chased the transport ships out of sight to the leeward; and because they had neither pilots nor good charts of this coast on board the squadron, La Bourgogne of 74 guns foundered on rocks at night two leagues from the coast and went down with 200 men, including officers, among them the first lieutenant. Le Triomphant arrived at Porto Cabello [Porto la Bello] on February 18, 1783. L’Auguste and le Pluton had arrived there some days before and the other ships of the fleet came in safely, one after the other. Don Solano had planned to meet with the Marquis de Vaudreuil at Porto CabeIlo in December. He did not keep his promise, and no news of his squadron was received at Porto Cabello. The anxiety that this uncertainty occasioned, combined with the lack of news from Europe, so deeply affected the spirit of several officers that they fell ill, and I myself was dangerously sick. Finally the news of a general peace arrived by frigate from France. The most brilliant successes and the most instructive experience in the art of war could not have given me pleasure comparable to that which I felt when I learned that Great Britain, after such a long struggle, had been forced to recognize the sovereignty and independence of the United States of America. On April 8, 1783, the day after the cessation of hostilities, the squadron left Porto Cabello, and after a voyage of eight days it arrived safely at Cape Francois. The Spanish squadron had left Havanna for Porto Cabello, and upon receiving news of the peace at Puerto Rico it changed course for Cape Francois and arrived there a few days before the Marquis de Vaudreuil. I remained only a short time at Cape Francois where I received the special favors of Monsieur de Bellecombe, the governor. I then embarked for Philadelphia, filled with gratitude for all the attention I had received from the Marquis de Vaudreuil, the Baron de Viomenil, and the other officers during the five months that I had been on board His Majesty’s squadron.”

Despite the fact that the Treaty of Paris ending the American Revolution was not formally signed until 3 September 1783 and ratified in January 1784, all hostilities had already come to an end by April 1783 with the ratification of a preliminary peace treaty originally inked the previous November. For all intents and purposes, British aggression ended with George III’s issuance of Cornwall’s Proclamation of Cessation of Hostilities on 4 February 1783. After serving the entire eight year duration of the War for Independence in the service of the Continental and French Navies, Lieutenant Pierre Douville returned to his home in Rhode Island. It is during this season that the Douville’s oldest daughter Cynthia was conceived, the couple’s second child being born on 28 October 1783. The Providence Gazette of 28 June 1783 reveals that Douville is already in command of the brig Independence sailing for Port Dauphin, presumably what is known today as Englishtown on Cape Breton Island in Nova Scotia. This is the same locale depicted on the “Sketch of the Bay and Coal Mines at Cape Briton” listed among the John Paul Jones manuscripts in the Library of Congress” (1903) believed by this writer to be drawn by Douville in 1777. From Port Dauphin, the brig Independence apparently sailed to the West Indies as Captain Douville is recorded as arriving in Newport in that vessel bound from Martinico on 5 February 1784. Douville and the Independence are reported “arrived in the river” at Providence two days later.

Pierre Douville’s merchant career immediately after the war is chronicled in the shipping news published in the Providence Gazette. On Saturday 22 May 1784, Douville is cleared for departure to the West Indies on the sloop Cynthia, presumably his own vessel named for his wife. The sloop must not have sailed promptly as it was cleared again for departure two weeks later on 5 June. The voyage must have proved successful as the following year, Douville is cleared for departure from Providence and bound to St. Peters on the larger schooner Cynthia, also named after his beloved spouse, on Saturday 21 May 1785. The schooner is noted among the current arrivals at Providence from St. Peters on Saturday 8 October 1785. It is possible that Captain Pierre Douville sailed specifically to meet his dying mother at his native birthplace on St. Pierre-Miquelon. According to the genealogical research of Patricia H. Forsander and others posted on www.genealogy.com, the captain’s mother Marie left her home at St. Pierre in the fall of 1778 to return to St. Malo on the schooner La Charlotte with Pierre’s two younger siblings Philippe and Francois. Accompanied by her granddaughter Marie-Rose Bujeau, the old woman returned to St. Pierre on the ship Three Sisters just before her death on 6 June 1785. Their research indicates that “the mariner brought his wife Cynthia and son Peter to live among his extended family at Saint-Pierre and Miquelon in 1787, where she remained for two years while Douville pursued a lucrative maritime trade with the West Indies. Clearly the Douville family was in residence at Rhode Island when second son Charles Lowry was born on 14 April 1786. However, the couple’s third son Samuel Joseph was born at St. Pierre on 21 July 1788 where both he and his two year old brother were baptized in that year. The youngest daughter Mary was born on 22 November in 1789 at Rhode Island. The family is in residence again at Warwick, RI at the time of the 1790 Census with Pierre Douville recorded as the head of a household which included, in addition to himself, three males under the age of sixteen and three white females.” The young males included nine year old Peter, four year old Lowrey Charles and two year old Samuel Joseph. In addition to his wife Cynthia, the Douville females included seven year daughter Cynthia and one year old Mary.

Thanks to Andri Maurois’ “Chateaubriand: Poet, Statesman, Lover” (1969), we discover Pierre Douville in early 1791 at St. Malo, France where he was engaged to command the 160 ton brigantine St. Pierre on a trans-Atlantic crossing conveying a group priests and seminary students associated with the Society of Saint Sulpice to a newly organized seminary in Baltimore, St. Mary’s Seminary. The Roman Catholic order’s Paris seminary had been closed at the advent of the French Revolution with its teachers and students fleeing to avoid persecution. The Baltimore seminary likely founded by some of Douville’s passengers was established as the first such Catholic institution in the United States on 10 July 1791 with classes commencing in October of that year, shortly after St. Pierre’s arrival. Also among the vessel’s passengers was twenty-three year old St. Malo native and future French diplomat, writer and historian Francois Auguste Rene de Chateaubriand (1768-1848) who was to become known as the “Father of French Romanticism”. Chateaubriand was bound on a pilgrimage to America to meet George Washington, armed with a letter of introduction from French Revolutionary War veteran General Armand, Marquis de la Rougrie. After a short wait “becalmed in the roadstead…though no breeze sprang up, the ebb tide swept the St. Pierre out to the open sea” departing St. Malo on 8 June. Chateaubriand, asleep below during the brig’s departure, returned on deck to find “the land of France was out of sight.” For months the celebrated writer sailed “above the grave face of the abyss” while concurrently observing “the awful majesty of ocean horizons”. He proved an able sailor with a flair for the theatrical, on one occasion having himself bound to the main mast in the tradition of Ulysses. Maurois writes, “There he was drenched by the waves and well battered by the wind, but braving sky and water he cheered himself with the cry; “Oh storm, thou art not yet as fair as Homer made thee!'”. When Chateaubriand reminisced about his voyage on Douville’s vessel many years later he poetically remembered, “The vessel tossed at the mercy of a slow and thudding swell, while fiery sparks flickered along the foam that creamed about its sides. Myriads of stars twinkled against the dark azure of the vaulted sky, a shoreless sea, infinity in heaven and on the deep! Never has God so disquieted me by his greatness as in those nights when I had immensity above my head and immensity beneath my feet.” After a brief call at Douville’s home port of St. Pierre, where apparently the saavy captain lost an Admiralty court case over the loss of an anchor to the passenger charter defended by Chateaubriand himself, the brigantine continued on to the Chesapeake. After a three month crossing, Captain Pierre Douville’s vessel came into view of American soil as Chateaubriand recorded the arrival “Only the crests of a few maples rising above the water gave any hint of a coast.”

While some sources suggest it was King Louis XVI who recruited Pierre Douville to serve in the French Navy, probably nothing could be further from the truth. The French Revolution had begun to unfold as early as May 1789 with a shift in political power. The storming of the Bastille followed in July and August heralded the passage of the Declaration of the Rights of Man by the National Assembly of France. Social tension forced the royal court from Versailles to Paris in October 1789 with the following two years characterized by ongoing power struggles between liberal assemblies and monarchists. The Battle of Valmy, the first decisive victory of the revolutionary army of France on 20 September 1792, emboldened the newly assembled National Convention to declare the end of the monarchy and establish the First French Republic. The Revolutionary Wars that began in 1792 ultimately resulted in French victories which would unite and define the modern state. It was during these times in December 1792 that Pierre Douville traveled to Paris, excited by Revolutionary fervor and opportunity. Leaving his thirty-one year old American wife behind along with their five children between the ages of eleven and three years old, Douville was drawn to defend the same inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness that had been won at such great cost in the Americas just a decade earlier. One source quotes the French-Canadian born adopted American naval volunteer as wanting to “get useful to his country”.

Pierre Douville was offered a commission for his former rank of lieutenant on the ship Achilles in January 1793, the same month King Louis XVI was executed on the guillotine amid international condemnation. The Achilles’ mission was to protect the mouth of the Loire River and the Brittany coastline. It was during this tumultuous time of social upheaval and dictatorial abuse by the Committee of Public Safety known as the Reign of Terror that Douville was promoted to Captain on 25 February 1794 and given command of the ship-of-the-line l’ Impetueux, or Impetuous. His freshly launched 74-gun Impetuous was attached to the squadron of French Admiral Louis-Thomas Villaret de Joyeuse. Villaret de Joyeuse had served with distinction under Admiral Pierre Andre de Suffren, one of D’Estaing’s squadron commanders in the West Indies during and after the American Revolution. Rising quickly in rank during the advent of the French Revolution, Villaret was in command of the French fleet during the Third Battle of Ushant, popularly known as the Glorious First of June. Fought in the Atlantic Ocean four hundred miles west of Brest, this naval fleet action was both the first and largest between the French and British fleets during the French Revolutionary Wars. Villaret de Joyeuse was tasked with the mission of drawing the fleet of Admiral Lord Earl Howe away from a convoy of 117 vessels transporting grain from the United States to supply the starving masses in France driven to famine by the blockading British. Howe’s primary intent was to destroy the French naval fleet of twenty-six vessels.

In command of the 74-gun Impetueux and her compliment of seven hundred officers and men, Captain Pierre Douville was positioned sixth in the line of battle at the Vanguard of the French fleet. Soon into the sea battle, Impetueux became entangled with the 74-gun HMS Marlborough. Both vessels were severely damaged in the hot action at close quarters. The French ship Mucius under Captain Larregny came to Douville’s assistance, colliding with both ships in the smoke of broadside exchanges. All three warships sustained heavy casualties as the gunfire continued for hours. Both Marlborough and Impetueux lost all three masts in the action. HMS frigate Aquilon responded to Marlborough’s plea for assistance, finally towing the hull to safety. Mucius freed herself and rejoined the fleeing French fleet. Captain Douville, already having received a number of wounds, continued his assault on the British from the crippled Impetueux by engaging the HMS frigate Phaeton- his orders being to retard as much as possible the British pursuit of the escaping French fleet. Too damaged to even move, Impetueux and her courageous commander were finally subdued and taken by the crew of HMS Russell. Captain Pierre Douville was among Impetueux’s casualties, one hundred dead and eighty-five wounded, having received eighteen wounds during the course of the long action. Mortally wounded, Douville was taken to Forton Prison in Gosport, England where he died on 17 June 1794. It is reported that Pierre Douville was buried at Portsmouth, England with military honors. While the Glorious First of June was credited to Howe as a great victory in which seven enemy ships were taken in battle including Douville’s, the French objective of diverting British interest from the food convoy proved successful as that national lifeline escaped unmolested. Soon after, the Reign of Terror in France would also end when the Directory assumed control and brought stability to the state in 1795.

The only known likeness of Pierre Douville, said to be painted in France by an unidentified artist shortly before his death in 1794, was gifted to Brown University in 1887 by his granddaughters Miss Cynthia Douville and Mrs. Sarah Tinkham. Formerly on exhibit with the Anne S. K. Brown Military Collection in the Special Collections of the Brown University Library, the portrait was loaned to the Arts Centre Confederation in Charlottetown on Prince Edward Island in celebration of the 250th anniversary of the Acadian Deportation of 1758. Little known prior to that time, Earle Lockerby in “The Deportation of the Prince Edward Island Acadians” (2008) appears to be one of the first to recognize the contributions of Pierre Douville to American, Acadian and French history. More recently, the portrait hangs in the permanent exhibit of the Acadian Museum of the Université de Moncton. Douville’s likeness is also reputed to be the only extant portrait of a native-born person from the island of St. John before the Great Upheaval. There is some controversy over the present disposition of the remains of Pierre Douville. In the unsourced “Odyssey of an Acadian in American and French Navies” (1954), writer Raymond Douville claims the naval officer’s remains were returned home by the Society of Cincinnati and re-interred at the West Burying Grounds in Providence and then relocated again to Swan Point Cemetery in 1871 where a memorial now stands honoring his life and service. This statement is brought into question by others who indicate that nothing in the archives of the Rhode Island Society of the Cincinnati support that conclusion, the monument inscription itself is silent on the matter and finally a letter accompanying the 1877 portrait presentation that discusses the monument relocation of six years earlier makes no mention of Pierre Douville’s remains. The monument inscription honoring the navy veteran finishes “Malthus closing an unspotted life all which had been consistently and bravely spent in the time of the adopted service and time of the old native country.”

A handwritten and signed copy of a letter from Pierre Douville’s wife Cynthia seeking compensation from the government of France for her husband’s service in the French Navy was recently offered for sale at Marion Auctions on 25 June 2016. It reads: “Providence March 8th AD 1803. Fulwar Shipwith Esqr. Sir, By the advice of Sundry Merchants in this town and of Several of the Officers in the Government of the United States, I take the liberty to commit to your care a piece of business of much importance to me, the nature of which you will discover in the documents herewith enclosed. I am a native of the State of Rhode Island and was married to the late Capt. Pierre Douville a citizen of the French Republic who at the call of his Country entered into its Service in the Navy and was Mortally wounded while commanding the French Ship of war L’ Impeteaux of Seventy four Guns in the naval engagement near England in the month of June AD 1794 and in a few days afterwards died of his Wounds. The history of my life as well as that of my family you will find in the enclosed documents. I conceive that there were due to my late husband at the time of his death arrears of Wages & rations which have never been paid and that I and my children are entitled by the laws and regulations of the Republic, to a pension or some kind of Gratuity on account of the Services and death of my late husband. To recover those arrears, Pensions or gratuities is the object of my present application and which I am informed by Pichon the Charge de affairs of the Republic to the United States may be recovered without delay. I have heretofore attempted to obtain whatever may be due to me or my children, but have failed in consequence of not forwarding proper documents. I have now procured every kind of proof which is thought necessary and have the whole certified by the highest Authority in the United States and flatter myself that no further difficulties will arise. I wish you to pay every attention to the business which its nature may require and to satisfy yourself for your trouble and expenses out of what may come into your hands. You will be so obliging as to write me as soon and as often as may be and inform me of all the particular circumstances relative to my prospects and your success. In particular I wish you to advise me what arrears were due to my husband at the time of his death, the amount of the Pension which is due, Whither it is to myself alone or whither my children are also to participate in the bounty of the Government. Whither the a pension is a sum in gross, or to be continued, and if continued how long. These are points which my former agent neglected to inform me upon. By the return of the Ship which conveys this to France I hope to receive information of the receipt of my papers and of your success in the business. If there shall be any further document needed you will please to inform me what is necessary. If you are fortunate in your application you will make remittances to me in good bills payable in the United States (if to be had), if not you may place the money in the hands of Thomas Dickinson & Company in London [eminent merchant house] and direct them to place the amount to the Credit of Messrs. Brown and Ives of Providence. I have written to Joseph Lanfrey Esq. a french Gentleman residing at Paris who was an intimate friend of my late husband requesting his friendship and assistance to you in this business. When you write me I wish you to write under cover to Philip Crapo Esq. Counselor at Law in Providence, State of Rhode Island, or to Mr. Sam’l Aborn, who have lent me their aid in Procuring the documents of who now forward the same on to you. I am with Sentiments of esteem, Your Ob’t Servant, (Copy Signed) Cynthia Aborn Douville.”

The widow Douville’s letter is addressed to her Paris agent Fulwar Skipwith (1765-1839), a Revolutionary War veteran first appointed in 1795 as Consul-General under the United States Minister to France, future President James Monroe. He later briefly served as President of the Republic of West Florida and as President of the Louisiana State Senate during the War of 1812. His legislative initiative to grant amnesty to former privateers resulted in the cooperation of pirate Jean Lafitte and his forces with General Andrew Jackson in the successful defense of New Orleans on 8 January 1815. Her solicitation of Skipwith’s services mentions French Baron Louis Andre Pichon (1771-1854), Secretary of Legation and Charge d’Affaires from 1801 to 1805 during the time of the Louisiana Purchase. After earlier serving as a diplomat in Philadelphia from 1793 to 1796, Pichon returned to France and assisted in negotiations to end the Quasi-War between the two nations. Cynthia Aborn Douville instructs her agent Skipwith, upon his successful mission to secure compensation of unpaid wages and pension due her, to deposit such funds as may be recovered in the eminent London merchant house of Thomas Dickinson & Company to the credit of the Providence firm of Brown and Ives, a leader in American commerce for decades. This partnership between Nicholas Brown, Jr. (1769-1841) and Thomas Poyton Ives was earlier known as Brown, Benson and Ives between 1792 and 1796 when George Benson retired. Along with his brothers, Nicholas Brown was a major benefactor of his alma mater Rhode Island College, which in 1804 voted to change its name to Brown University. Thomas Poynton Ives (1759-1835) apprenticed in the counting house of Nicholas Brown, Sr. prior to marrying his only daughter Hope and with his brother-in-law Nicholas, Jr. formed a successful shipping business, particularly in the Far East trade. Poynton pioneered the American version of transporting mass goods on larger vessels between major ports and off-loading to smaller vessels for distribution to lesser markets. This concept later evolved into the intermodal transport of containerized goods widely used on a global scale today. Joseph Lanfrey, the intimate friend of Pierre Douville mentioned in his widow’s letter, is most probably the employee of the French Republic’s office of military subsistence who in the years immediately prior to this letter owned the Hotel de Brienne in Paris, used as an office for military supplies. Originally confiscated during the French Revolution, Lanfrey owned the prominent property between 1800 and 1802 when he sold it to his tenant, interior minister Lucien Bonaparte, brother of Napoleon. The building became known as the “Palace of the Mother of the Emperor,” when Lucien sold it to his mother in 1805. The French government purchased the Hotel de Brienne in 1817 and ever since the building has housed the Ministry of War. Lanfrey is also likely the same Joseph Langley De Lisle, native of Grenoble in France, who served as Commissary of the French army in Rhode Island as early as 1781. It is this “Commissary Inspector-General in the French Land Service” who was married to Bathsheba Bowler, daughter of Metcalf Bowler, in Newport on 8 July 1784. Langley conceivably met Continental Navy Lieutenant Pierre Douville during Commissary General Claude Blanchard’s forays into the Pawtucket woods near Douville’s home in 1780. Finally, Cynthia Aborn Douville instructs agent Skipwith to copy all correspondence to her to others at home with a special interest in her affairs, her brother Samuel Aborn (1765-1818) and her brother-in-law Philip Crapo (1767-1838), a well-known Providence lawyer of French descent married to her sister Desire Burrows Aborn (1767-1859).

A letter of response from the government of France was also included in the auction lot containing Cynthia Aborn Douville’s request for compensation due her for her husband’s service in the French Navy. It reads: “Paris the 2nd Pluviose Year 12 of the FR [French Republic]. Bureau of Pensions. The Minister of Marine and the Colonies to Mr. Shipwith Commercial Agent of the United States of America at Paris- I hasten to announce to you Sir- that this Government has accorded a Pension of 600 F on the Case of the Invalids of the Marine to the Widow of Capt. Douville who died of the wounds he received in the Battle of 13th Prairial Year 2nd. Madam Douville residing in the United States, I beg you to inform her that her Pension commenced the first of year ?th & that she can receive the arrears at Paris by transmitting a Power for that purpose- I Salute you. (Sig’d) Decraz”. The dates employed in the letter refer to the French Revolutionary or Republican Calendar. This calendar was designed to eliminate all religious or royal references and was only used for about twelve years between 1793 and 1805, as it was abolished by Emperor Napoleon I on 1 January 1806. Year 12 referred to the year beginning 24 September 1803 in the Gregorian calendar. Depending on the specific year, the month of Pluviose extended from 20-22 January to 19-21 February, making the 2nd Pluviose in the third week of January 1804. The thirteenth day of Prairial in the second year of the French Republic marked the Battle of the Glorious 1st of June in 1794. The month of Germinal extended from 20-21 March to 20-21 April. This letter appears to be from Denis Decres (1761-1820), the French Minister of Marine and of Colonies from 1801 to 1814, concluding with a secretarial signature. Decres sailed as a midshipman on the frigate Richmond under Count de Grasse’s fleet during the American Revolution. Rising to the rank of Vice Admiral, Decres was known as a brutal and conceited politician who served as Minister of Navy from shortly after Napoleon’s coup d’etat on 9 November 1799, through the emperor’s coronation on 2 December 1804 and until Napoleon’s abdication in April 1814.

For Pierre Douville’s naval services to the French Republic, his widow received a pension from the government of France until her death in Providence. Pierre and Cynthia Douville’s youngest child Mary, just two years old when the naval officer left for France, died a little over two years after her father on 13 October 1796, one month before her seventh birthday. The 1800 Census indicates two females in forty-year old Cynthia Douville’s household, besides herself one other female age sixteen to twenty-five, no doubt her seventeen year old daughter of the same name. The census also includes one male between 16 and 25 and two other males between ten and fifteen years old, presumably nineteen year old Peter, fourteen year old Lowry Charles and twelve year old Samuel Joseph. Uncertain if addressed to mother or daughter, Cynthia Douville’s name appears on a list of unclaimed letters at the Providence post office between 31 August and 15 September 1804. Widow of Continental Navy Lieutenant and French Navy Captain Pierre Douville, forty-six year old Cynthia Aborn Douville died on 21 October 1806 and according to King’s Church Records was buried at Pawtuxet five days later, just over two months prior to her daughter Cynthia’s marriage to John Willis, Jr. on 29 December 1806. The remains of the captain’s wife today rest in the Arnold-Pawtuxet Burial Ground having at some time in the past been re-interred from the Aborn-Whitney Lot. According to the Providence Gazette of 8 November 1806, their oldest child Peter was named administrator for her estate. Earlier in 1805, Peter Douville had been admitted to the Society of the Cincinnati in the place of his father. Like his father Pierre, the junior Peter Douville was a mariner having command of the brig Sea Flower in 1806 and the sloop Phebe in 1808. In 1818, the younger Douville then of Cranston, filed for insolvency and subsequently relocated to Savannah. He died on a schooner in West Florida on 2 October 1825.

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List of prisoners who died in Halifax Hospital (1777) believed to belong to the frigate Hancock

The following list of forty-eight prisoners who died in Halifax Hospital between late July and the end of September 1777 and believed to belong to the Continental Navy frigate Hancock taken with the prize ship Fox by the British 44-gun Rainbow and 32-gun Flora after a thirty-nine hour chase was likely composed by Dr. Samuel Curtis, Hancock’s surgeon. The list was transcribed by Joseph Ross from a photograph of the original document appearing online at: http://www.eldreds.com/auctions/detail/item/189306/sale/777/dept/43. One of several historically important hand-written documents sold at Eldred’s Marine Art & Antiques Auction in July 2013 associated with the Naval surgeon which also included another list of fifty-four persons Dr. Curtis apparently inoculated in the Halifax Prison in July 1777.

The resolution of the photograph is less than ideal so that names and dates of death are transcribed only with difficulty and certain knowledge that some mistakes have been made. The writer invites corrections and it is our hope that the successful auction bidder will at some point make a clear copy available for a more accurate transcription. Nevertheless, it is our desire to capture as much of the data as may be available based on the material accessible.

The title of the list reads, ” A List of the American Prisoners Who Died in Halifax Hospital 1777″. A second notation adds “Ship Hancock on this Page” leading this writer to deduce that other associated manuscript lists originally existed which documented frigate Hancock deaths between early October 1777 and early January 1778 when the majority of the crew was released from confinement and returned by cartel. It also suggests that the doctor may have kept a separate list of deaths at Halifax Prison not associated with the crew of the Hancock during his time there.

This list has been edited to note those men(with parenthesis) who also appear on the accompanying list of fifty-four persons Dr. Curtis apparently inoculated in the Halifax Prison in July 1777. Their quality or rate on the ship is noted [in brackets] where known. A second alphabetical organization of the list is included with a complete spelling of the abbreviated Christian name in order to assist with internet browsing.

William Smith, July 29th
Peter Guliburd, 30th
James Boss Gray, 30th
Joseph Feddimann, 31st
Roland Batten, Aug 2nd (Inoculated)
William Lovejoy, 2nd (Inoculated)
Isaac Dickman, 9th
James Milton, 9th
William Putnum, 10th
Joseph Dudley, 14th (Inoculated)
Elias Robinson, 14th
Nathan ?????,14th
Isaac Osgood, 14th
Sam’l Lawrence, 16th
Nath’nl Arnold, 18th (Inoculated)
William Jacobson, 18th
George West, 19th [AB Seaman]
Caleb Brimhull, 20th
Stephen Horn, 20th
James Clark, 23rd
Nath’nl Niles, 24th (Inoculated)
Charles Jones, 24th
Philip Bass, 25th
Thomas Luden, 26th
Sam’l Cochran, 28th
Sam’l Goodwin, 29th
Jacob Winter, 29th (Inoculated)
Benjamin Barnard, 30th
Joseph Saunders, 30th (Inoculated)
James Mellon, Jun’r, Sept 2nd
Sam’l Denning, 3rd
Isaac Niles, 4th [Boy] (Inoculated)
Joseph Grafton, 5th
Francis Galley (French man), 4th
James Goodwin, 5th
Wm Arnold, 5th
Levi Woodman, 5th
Zephaniah Briggs, 12th
John Huff???, 12th
Thomas Shepard, 12th
John Hodge, 13th
Caleb Farr, 17th (Inoculated)
Daniel Silloway, 19th
John Davity (French), 22nd
Thos Winter, 27th [Boy] (Inoculated)
Francis Day, 29th (Inoculated)
James Sawyer, 30th [Carpenter’s Mate]
Thos Berry, 30th [2nd Lt. of Marines Servant]

Nathan ?
Nathaniel Arnold
William Arnold
Benjamin Barnard
Philip Bass
Roland Batten
Thomas Berry
Zephaniah Briggs
Caleb Brimhull
James Clark
Samuel Cochran
John Davity
Francis Day
Samuel Denning
Isaac Dickman
Joseph Dudley
Caleb Farr
Joseph Feddimann
Francis Galley
James Goodwin
Samuel Goodwin
Joseph Grafton
James Boss Gray
Peter Guliburd
John Hodge
Stephen Horn
John Huff
William Jacobson
Charles Jones
Samuel Lawrence
William Lovejoy
Thomas Luden
James Mellon, Jr.
James Milton
Isaac Niles
Nathaniel Niles
Isaac Osgood
William Putnum
Elias Robinson
Joseph Saunders
James Sawyer
Thomas Shepard
Daniel Silloway
William Smith
George West
Jacob Winter
Thomas Winter
Levi Woodman

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Dr. Samuel Curtis, Surgeon

Born on 1 September 1747 in what became known as Sharon, Samuel Curtis was the eldest surviving child of Rev. Philip Curtis (1717-1797) and his wife Elizabeth (1721- ). An older son also named Samuel had been born to the couple in May of the previous year but had died on 22 January 1747. A 1738 graduate of Harvard, Reverend Curtis preached his first sermon at the 2nd Church in Stoughton in May 1741 and was ordained there the following January. His ministry at Sharon, known as Stoughton prior to 1783, spanned fifty-five years and included baptizing 926 individuals, solemnizing 313 marriages and presiding over 403 burials. Rev. Philip Curtis was married first to Samuel’s mother Elizabeth Bass of Newburyport on 6 September 1744 and later to Elizabeth Randall (1731-1823) of Sharon on 31 October 1754. Samuel Curtis’ siblings included sisters Hannah, Elizabeth and twins Mary and Susanna. Younger half brothers included Philip, Oliver, Edward, Calvin and Francis.

After graduating eighteenth in his class of forty at Harvard College in 1766, Samuel Curtis resided briefly in Roxbury before moving into the Marlborough home of Lydia Dexter, widow of Dr. Ebenezer Dexter who died on 4 May 1769. Curtis appears to have been invited into her home to continue the practice established by her deceased husband in the face of Dr. Amos Cotting who had relocated to Marlborough from Waltham upon news of his death. Dr. Dexter had been married to the former Lydia Woods, daughter of Benjamin Woods and Elizabeth Morse, for over fifteen years and they had shared four children. The thirty-four year old widow Dexter subsequently married the twenty-three year old Dr. Samuel Curtis on 30 June 1771. The couple had two children, Anna born just over three months after their marriage on 5 October 1771 and Christian born on 30 March 1774. Both children died at a young age in 1774 with their thirty-eight year old mother following in death in December of that same year, leaving Dr. Samuel Curtis a grieving twenty-seven year old widower. Although some sources record Lydia Curtis’ death as 24 December, her mortuary notice appears in the 19 December 1774 edition of the Boston Post-Boy.

While Samuel Curtis’ pension application makes no mention of Continental Army service, one biographical source suggests the 1766 graduate of Harvard participated in the Lexington Alarm in April 1775 and served as a Captain in the 3rd Continental Infantry until December 1776. This is plausible considering that Curtis’ brother-in-law Dr. Samuel Cony, who was studying medicine with the Marlborough physician at the outbreak of hostilities, also responded with the Lexington Minutemen and continued in Army service afterward as Adjutant of a regiment of infantry under General Horatio Gates.

One earlier writer suggests that after the tragic loss of his children and wife, Dr. Samuel Curtis was “induced to embark” as surgeon on the Continental Navy frigate Hancock of 32 guns commanded by Captain John Manley. Over two years had passed since the death of his wife when, by his pension application testimony, Dr. Curtis entered onboard the Hancock on 20 March 1777. An interesting document, one of four which appear to be hand-written by Curtis and were sold at Eldred’s Marine Art & Antiques Auction in July 2013, is an invoice dated February 1778 detailing his naval service on behalf of the United States of America. This document itemizes the surgeon’s time from his entry on the Hancock noted as 24 March 1777 until 16 July 1777, presumably the day he left the vessel at Halifax. The period between 17 July 1777 and 25 January 1778 is identified separately, suggesting this is the precise time of his incarceration onshore at Halifax until his return to American soil.

In the two months between his entry on the frigate prior to her departure, Dr. Curtis was responsible for preparing the Hancock’s medical stores for sailing and action as evidenced by the inventory of medical articles on board for Dr. Curtis’ “Use of the Sick on Board said Ship” dated Boston 24 April 1777, also one of the auctioned documents. Continental Navy Surgeon Samuel Curtis sailed with the fleet on the Hancock’s first cruise from Boston on Wednesday 21 May 1777 on a voyage to St. George’s Bank in search of British fishing vessels. Also with the ship was fellow Harvard alum Rev. Edward Brooks sailing as Chaplain. In concert with the Continental frigate Boston under the command of Hector McNeill, the Hancock captured the 28 gun British privateer Fox on 7 June 1777 in a bloody engagement. No doubt both Curtis and Brooks had ample opportunity to exercise their healing gifts with the surgeon dressing the stump of John Brick, “a Negro man on Board Thee ship hancock”, who lost his left leg in the action.

One month later on 8 July 1777, after being abandoned by McNeill and the Boston, the frigate Hancock along with the prize ship Fox were captured by the British 44-gun Rainbow and 32-gun Flora after a thirty-nine hour chase. Dr. Curtis was carried to Halifax as a prisoner of war with 228 other officers and men of the frigate Hancock. An account of the treatment of the captured Continental Navy officers on the Hancock and Fox is recorded in The Independent Chronicle and the Universal Advertiser of Thursday 5 February 1778 published in Volume 11 of the Naval Documents of the American Revolution, “those taken by the Flora frigate, were well treated, the little time they were on board said Flora; from which they and their men were sent on board a prison ship, where numbers of their unhappy fellow-prisoners had been for a long time confined, and had the yellow-fever, the small-pox, and almost all disorders, to a shocking degree, without any physician allowed them, or any medicine, those that were taken in the Hancock, were put on board the Rainbow, and no distinction was made between the officers and men, but some took shelter in the hold, and under the half deck; were for some time without any provision, and scarce any thing to support nature, while confined on board said ship; upon our officers and people leaving the Hancock, their chests were searched, and all mathematical instruments such as quadrants, scales, dividers, together with all books, journals, etc. useful to navigation, were taken from them with a number of other articles, of value.”

Dr. Samuel Curtis would have been among the the other Navy officers who recounted, “After being in Halifax harbour 8 or 10 days, all the prisoners in the prison-ship, and in the Rainbow, were, on the Sabbath, in grand marine order, removed to the shore, and committed to the custody of the town-major, and all the British officers and soldiers in the place. The American officers were huddled in among the common men, and told, by the British officers, that they knew no distinction; and in this undistinguished manner, all the prisoners, 300 in number, were conducted, in the roughest manner, with unpardonable insults, into a large brick building, barracaded in by a very high fence, and under the care of the provost-guard. Thus the sick of the small-pox, yellow-fever, and other disorders, were drove into said building, indiscriminately with the well; and the American officers, though a few minutes before, they were told that there was no distinction known between them and the men, yet, that American officers should be answerable, and suffer for all disorderly conduct that the prisoners should be guilty of: added to this, the surgeons were, the day after the prisoners were under said provost-guard forbid innoculating any person, on penalty of being confined in irons, etc. though much the greater part of the prisoners had never had the small-pox, and several among them were almost rotten with the disorder.”

The ghastly plight of the officers and men of the Hancock and Dr. Curtis’ early inability to adequately treat the men under his care is further documented in the newspaper account, “The small-pox, fevers, &c. being brought from the prison-ship, and being all turned in together, indiscriminately, and no possibility of keeping themselves clean, numbers soon became very sickly, and a hospital was prepared for them, built in the roughest manner, inclosed with poor boards slightly feather edged, and nailed on to unhewn timber, no fire place, store or glass. ‘Till a considerable time after the cold weather came on, to this dismal place the poor miserable sick were conveyed, where they were poorly sheltered with miserable bedding, and more miserable attendance, together with a most miserable diet…and no fire to warm even the least thing. Thus the poor miserable suffered and died, oftentimes 3 or 4 or half a dozen per day, of fevers and the small-pox, mostly through want of proper attendance, and immediately on their dying, were carried out of the hospital, and laid in a cradle in the open air, and here kept 3 or 4 days, and when they were buried, their brother prisoners were obliged to dig their graves and burry them.”

At some point during his confinement in July, Dr. Samuel Curtis was apparently permitted to inoculate Hancock’s officers and men with the smallpox virus in hopes of stemming the disease’s epidemic race through the prison population. Two historically important documents sold at Eldred’s Marine Art & Antiques Auction in July 2013, apparently hand-written by the Naval surgeon, include a list of fifty-four persons Curtis inoculated in the Halifax Prison in July 1777 accompanied by a list of forty-eight American prisoners attached to the ship Hancock who died in Halifax Hospital between July and the end of September 1777. The documents reveal that at least 54 men were inoculated, presumably 45 from the Hancock and nine others listed separately. Included in those receiving the treatment are Curtis’ friend and fellow Harvard alum Rev. Edward Brooks and Captain of Marines Seth Baxter. Despite the preventative inoculation, Rev. Brooks contracted smallpox as evidenced in his pension testimony and at least eleven of the forty-five men noted to have been inoculated also appear on the accompanying list of the dead.

According to their own published account, by the end of July the conditions of confinement for Dr. Curtis and the other Naval officers improved incrementally, “In about 8 or 10 days after the prisoners were put under the provost-guard aforesaid, the Continental officers were removed to an apartment in the soldiers barrack, where they, from 13 to 18 in number, were closely confined to one room… in the hottest season of the year, with the door locked, and only two small windows, where they had their cabins and chests, were obliged to have almost constantly a fire to dress their provisions, which they were obliged to cook themselves, not being allowed even one of their own men to cook for them, ’till after frequent petitioning.” In a 8 November 1777 letter from Rev. Edward Brooks to James Boudin, the Hancock’s chaplain names thirteen roommates sharing confinement at the Apartment: shipmates 1st Lt. Stephen Hills, 2nd Lt. Joseph Adams, Sailing Master John Diamond, Captain of Marines Seth Baxter and Surgeon Samuel Curtis; frigate Boston’s 1st Lt. Robert McNeill, 2nd Lt. Simon Gross and 2nd Lt. of Marines John Harris; sloop Providence’s 1st Lt. Adam Thaxter and 2nd Lt. Esek Hopkins; Tartar’s 1st Lt. John Galekar and 3rd Lt. Oliver Reed; and brig Freedom’s 2nd Lt. John Hooper.

The newspaper account of the treatment of the Continental Navy officers taken on the Hancock and imprisoned at Halifax continues, “For about a month they were thus closely confined, permitted to go to the necessary, under guard, and that only from sunrise to sunset; at no other time were they permitted to go out of the room, let the calls of nature be ever so urgent…add to this, that they had no person to wait on them, they were obliged, by turns, to carry out their wash, etc. quite out into the open street, draw the water they wanted, etc. after frequent petitioning, as aforesaid, they were allowed one of the prisoners from the provost guard, to wait upon them, and the General, with much importunity, permitted them to walk 2 hours in the 24, in the barrack-yard, which was picketed in, and guarded at all parts with armed soldiers. During this, and for a long time after, they were almost suffocated with the heat of the room, which was so hot, that even the centries, who had only two hours to guard, before they were relieved, often fainted away. This, together with the scantness of provision allowed, the pork often tainted, and so bad as not to be eaten, the pease mouldy, and unfit for food, and any friends in town forbid speaking to them, or supplying them, and almost always turned away when they were bringing provisions.” It is this last prohibition which may explain why when on his landing at Halifax, Dr. Curtis spied his Aunt Hannah Loring Winslow – a Boston Tory- who lived there, “but she took no notice of him, and when he wrote to her for assistance, she did not reply to his letter.”

It can be deduced from the officers’ account that while conditions were still severe, a slight relaxation of the most intolerable rules commenced about the end of August or beginning of September. The newspaper report continues, “Thus closely and cruelly confined, and so miserably supplied, they were obliged, as they were poorly furnished with specie, to sell some of their cloathing, and many other articles, at little more than half their value, in order to purchase necessaries; as they had no persons but soldiers to buy things for them, they were often imposed upon by them, in giving them more than the articles cost, and paying them dearly for their service. Many wearisome weeks were they in this deplorable situation, and no mortal to make application to, for the least supply, ’till Capt. Salter arrived from Boston, about the last of October, who, with great difficulty and risque, got to their window, and offered to supply them with what money they wanted for necessaries, they drawing bills on their friends, and was so friendly as to tell them, that he should ask neither commission or interest.” Despite these promises, circumstances prevented any significant relief to the American prisoners.

After over six months of confinement at Halifax, sometime during the first week of January 1778, Dr. Samuel Curtis was put on the cartel Royal Bounty to be sent to Newport, RI to be exchanged. According to the British Commissary of Prisoners at Halifax Captain Sir George Collier, “upwards of 260 American Prisoners” were embarked on the vessel and waiting “only for a Wind to Sail” when the cartel Favorite arrived from Boston on 10 January. The American officers reported in the 5 February 1778 edition of Boston’s Independent Chronicle and the Universal Advertiser, “At length, on a very stormy day, in the midst of severe snow, rain and cold, they were ordered on board the said transport Royal Bounty, where they arrived with all their cloaths and bedding, extremely wet, in which condition the hold of the ship was the most convenient place allowed them, and accordingly they took their station, forward of the cable tier, in the cole hold, amidst wood, lumber and cordage, without either fire or light, where they continued four days, in a cold, wet and gloomy condition, with extreme scanty allowance, ’till they had the happiness of being removed to the cartel brig Favourite, from Boston.”

Although Rev. Brooks was among those placed on the Favourite, Dr. Curtis would remain on the Royal Bounty. The Master’s Journal of the British brig Cabot published in Volume 11 of the Naval Documents of the American Revolution, indicates that at noon on Monday 12 January 1778 in weather described as “Light Airs & Clear, the Cabot pulled anchor at Halifax Harbour and came “to Sail with a Convoy of 10 Merchf Vessels & the Royal bounty Cartell”. While largely silent on the circumstances of his confinement in Halifax, Dr. Samuel Curtis’ own 1818 testimony in pension application # S-4,276 states that after three or four days at sea, his cartel was separated from the convoy by a gale and “we tho[ugh]t a convenient opportunity had presented. We took command from the cap’t and after running many risques, We got into Marblehead harbour.” This event is also recorded in the pension application #S-33563 of Benjamin Rickard, a sailor taken fourteen months earlier on the brig Independence under Captain Simeon Sampson in a “severe and bloody” conflict on 25 November 1776.

The Royal Bounty was seized from her master Thomas Compton on 14 January and the vessel was carried into Marblehead ten days later. This escape of 280 Continental prisoners on the “Saturday last” is reported in the 6 February 1778 edition of the Connecticut Gazette, with a Boston byline dated 29 January. The prisoners “rose on the crew” of fifteen hands and brought the prize into Marblehead, but not before they had lost twelve men on the passage, not including two others who had fell overboard. Dr. Samuel Curtis testifies in his pension application that after the ordeal he “returned home to Marlborough, Mass, ready to be called on board some other ship.” Despite one report that Curtis “also served on other vessels in the same capacity during the Revolution”, no evidence has been located to support that statement. Speaking further about the pay due him as a Continental Navy Surgeon, Curtis recounts in the pension record that after a lapse of two or three years, the Congressman from Massachusetts Nathan Gorham “took my Commission & procured me a final Settlement certificate for $963 doll[ars] which I was compelled to sell for about 1/3 of its nominal value.” It is possible that the hand-written invoice for 299 pounds 18 shillings detailing Dr. Curtis’ naval service on behalf of the United States of America dated February 1778 that was sold at Eldred’s Marine Art & Antiques Auction in July 2013 was the basis for this settlement.

It was 9 May 1777 when Intentions of Marriage were published between “Samuel Curtis of Marlborough Esqr and Miss Abigail Whitney of Weston”, daughter of William Whitney and Martha Pierce. After a ten month engagement, the thirty year old doctor and his twenty-four year old fiance were married by Rev. Samuel Woodward on 5 March 1778. Woodward was only the second pastor of the First Parish of Weston and served there as “Minister of the Gospel” from 1751 until his death in 1782. With the surgeon’s war service completed, the couple had a number of children in quick succession. The family is recorded in “Records of Some of the Descendants of William Curtis, Roxbury, 1632” by Samuel Clarke Clarke (1869). The Curtis children included: Samuel, Jr. born 14 February 1779, Nancy born 26 March 1780 and died 1784, Fanny born 19 March 1781, Clarissa born 3 November 1782 and died in 1783, William Whitney born 7 January 1784 and died 1785, Robert born 10 May 1785 and died 1804, Hector McNeal born 28 December 1787 and died 1788 and lastly Abigail- or Nabby- born 15 November 1789 and died 1796.

While living at Marlborough, Dr. Samuel Curtis served as a member of the Committee of Correspondence in 1778 and was described as “a man of influence in the town, clerk, selectman and a justice of the peace.” About twelve years after his marriage to Abigail and six years after the peace, while in his young forties Dr. Curtis moved his family to Amherst, NH in 1789. After practicing medicine there for a few years, the doctor gave up his profession to become an inn-keeper, however still maintaining an apothecary in his tavern. Interestingly, a 16 June 1795 newspaper article heralds, “Dr. Samuel Curtis of Amherst, New Hampshire…advertises in the late Boston Papers, that he has discovered a safe and easy remedy for the dropsy; being an American production.” Perhaps clues to the secret ingredients of his medicinal remedy can be found in another newspaper advertisement placed the following year in the 8 November 1796 edition of the Amherst Village Messenger, “WANTED IMMEDIATELY, ABOUT fifty bushes of CHESTNUTS and WALNUTS”. Responders to the ad are directed to Dr. Samuel Curtis at the Post Office.

As one can guess from the preceding advertisement, Curtis was serving as Amherst’s second postmaster by late 1796, succeeding William Gordon who was first appointed by President Washington on 16 February 1791. Dr. Samuel Curtis’ tenure as postmaster and his ownership of stage company operating the mail lines are comprehensively and engagingly detailed in an article by Katrina Holman entitled “Earliest Stage Coach Lines The Feud between Stage Driver and Tavern Owner” appearing in the 23 June 2015 edition of The Amherst Citizen repeated almost in entirety: “The first scheduled stage coach to and from Amherst began in 1792. To give you an idea of how late this was, service between Portsmouth and Boston had commenced in 1761 “for the encouragement of trade” with “a large stage chair with two good horses” that could carry four passengers… by the spring of 1763, the “Portsmouth Flying Stage Coach” carried six persons inside and ran with four or six horses. So Amherst, despite being the site of the Hillsborough County court sessions since 1771, was still hinterland for two decades. It was the new tavernkeeper in the Village who remedied the situation. “[A] Stage has commenced running from the Town of Amherst in New Hampshire to Boston. [It] will set off from Dr. Curtis’ in Amherst, on Tuesday morning, and arrive at Boston on Tuesday evening; and will set off from Boston, on the return on Friday morning, from the House of Mr. Nathan Peabody, and arrive at Amherst on Friday evening, running once a week. The rate of passengers from Amherst to Boston, for the first Quarter, will be seven shillings and six pence only; two pence per mile will be the rate for any intermediate distance. Amherst, August 24, 1792.” (Independent Chronicle, Boston, Mass., 6 Sep. 1792.)”

Ms. Holman’s article continues, “This stage line was intended as public transportation for passengers and their baggage, and for newspaper distribution. A contract to carry mail would be obtained few years later. Here’s what the one-day journey of about 15 hours over 52 miles was like for passengers: Leave Amherst at 4 a.m., breakfast in Dunstable, dine [mid-day] in Billerica, and arrive in Boston by sunset. In the other direction, leave Boston at 4 a.m., breakfast in Woburn, dine in Tyngsborough and change horses, and arrive in Amherst the same evening (Columbian Centinel, Boston, July 1794). In the winter, the trip required an overnight stay; the stage would arrive around noon the following day. Passengers were expected to pay half of the fare in advance, when they reserved their seats. They were allowed 14 lbs. of baggage each gratis. A lengthy notice in Boston newspapers (Federal Orrery and Columbian Centinel, Dec. 1794) gave details of the “Amherst Stage, N.H.”, but not exactly in a customer-friendly way. Although the fare had nearly doubled in two years: “It is presumed, no rational person will object to the small rise in the fare, considering the present advanced prices upon the necessaries, for the support of the driver and his horses.” Subscribers to Boston newspapers, who obtained them from this stage at towns en route, were warned: “Every delinquent, who does not pay up by the 10th of January, will be sued, without further notice.” Although unsigned, Samuel Curtis was the likely author. In an advert of Sep. 1797 Curtis said: “It has become absolutely necessary, that all persons who are indebted for Newspapers, delivered by the stage, should (of their own free will and accord, without any further evasion, equivocation, or mental reservation whatever) made a full and compete settlement for the same, least they be called before some gentleman of the green bag; for the press cannot go long without oiling, and at that day, there is none to be borrowed.””

Ms. Holman adds personal details regarding Continental Navy veteran Dr. Samuel Curtis, “who had arrived in Amherst with his family in May 1789, purchased the house lot next to Robert Means on the south side of the Common in March 1790 and opened his home as a tavern and apothecary. By Jan. 1795, he had erected a new building on the same lot (now empty green space) as his tavern-inn – next to the Means store. Curtis was appointed postmaster in 1797, likely because his stage line had obtained the government contract to carry the mail – and a tavern made a convenient post office. Initially the Amherst stage carried mail once a week to Boston, and to post offices along the way in Chelmsford, Billerica, and Medford, Massachusetts. The earliest known stage driver was Joseph Wheat, a native of Hollis. In July 1799, Wheat announced that the “Amherst and Billerica Stage” to Boston would leave from “Mr. J. Watson’s in Amherst.” John Watson was a direct competitor of Curtis, having opened his tavern-inn at 1 Carriage Road. It turns out that stage driver Wheat and innholder Curtis had formerly been partners and were now competitors. Because they took to the newspapers for a war of words, we learn the early history of Amherst’s stage line.”

Curtis’ perspective of the feud with his former stage driver is captured by Ms. Holman, “Samuel Curtis wrote: “One WHEAT complains bitterly of late, in the Public Papers, that the Amherst Mail Stage, which has been handed regularly down from its original owner to the present proprietors is an eye sore to him, and is taking from him his right, &c. – That this Wheat has no right or just claim to this business, and of course no right to deceive the Public, is my intention to shew and to prove. When I formerly run the Amherst Stage, and being the sole owner, I employed said Wheat as a driver, and paid him his wages; on the 1st day of January 1798, I sold and conveyed said line of business to D. EMERSON, and to him only. EMERSON, by WHEAT’S importuning, took him into partnership for one year; at the end of the year, the 1st of January last, Emerson & Wheat both signed and published a dissolution of the Partnership, … and on the 1st of July last, EMERSON removed said line of business to me, the fee then being solely in him; and by myself and co. it is now run. … it is evident there is not business enough for two stages on that road, and without the assistance of the Mail, they must both be losing money. … N.B. The Mail Stage will in future run twice a week.” (Columbian Centinel, 11 Sep. 1799.)

In the journalistic tradition of fair-mindedness, the author of the The Amherst Citizens’ article also offers Joseph Wheat’s view of Curtis, “Mr. Wheat responded: “Mr. Printer, By Publishing the following Truths, in your useful Paper, you will oblige a Friend, as well as to give a check to some Falsehoods lately published in the public Newspapers. One SAMUEL CURTIS, who stays at Amherst, has thought fit to make me a public Example, by crying my Stage down, in order to recommend his four-wheel carriage for public use … I will … undertake to inform the Public, the truth of matters, as respects Curtis and myself: As early as 1794, the first of May, Curtis and myself bought a Stage in Boston, to run from Amherst to Boston. We then set up the business together and I drove the Stage, but Curtis’s Horses being poor, I thought best to take mine away. I then out of goodwill to him, left him the line; but received nothing for a Reward. Curtis carried on the business three years, the last 15 months I drove for him. I then thought best to set up a Baggage-Stage on said route – bought Horses and Carriage for the same. Then in December 1797, one Dearborn Emerson agreed with me to buy Curtis’s Stage and four Horses, and go into Co-partnership in running said Stage to Boston. Accordingly he was to buy the same of Curtis, and I was to put my Horses and Sleigh, &c. against it – which I like any man who is led into difficulty, agreed to. We carried on the Stage business one year, but caught nothing. We then dissolved Co-partnership – and I lent my right to Emerson, to run the Stage – which right I paid $50 for, and Emerson $50 more to Curtis. Emerson carried on the business badly, from January 1st, 1799, to the 3d of May last – when I was besought to come on to the line again – which I did, and took possession of the lent property, and have run a regular Stage ever since the Mail was agreed to be carried by Emerson and Wheat, for two years yet to come. Which right I never parted with to any[one] – and having been at great expense – hope still to have the good will of every true-hearted Citizen. … Sep. 24, 1799.” (Independent Chronicle, Boston.)

Ms. Holman seemingly concludes Dr. Curtis’ stage history, “The feud got resolved in that Wheat in March 1800 purchased the Mail Line of Dr. Samuel Curtis. Wheat’s next move, in Dec. 1800, was to open a new N.H. line, between Concord and Dunstable, through Merrimack, Bedford, Goffstown, Dunbarten, and Bow, so people from those towns could get to Boston by catching the Amherst Mail Stage in Dunstable. In 1802, Wheat expanded his Mail Stage by utilizing the newly opened Second N.H. Turnpike between Claremont and Amherst to run all the way from Boston to Windsor, Vermont…” Apparently, the story was not quite finished as Holman writes, “Somehow, Curtis was compelled back into the fray, back into a business connection with Wheat. With new partner Benjamin French, the recent proprietor of an inn on Back-Street in Boston, Curtis “took” the “Amherst, N.H. REAL MAIL STAGE, Old Line, driven by Joseph Wheat” and promised “every attention paid to render the flight agreeable to passengers, any spurious Stage to the contrary notwithstanding.” (Farmer’s Cabinet, May 1803.) At the same time, “Joseph Wheat & Co.” offered an explanation in a Boston paper (New-England Palladium, 31 May 1803), assuring the public that the Amherst (N.H.) Mail Stage still ran despite the fact that: “The subscriber is under the disagreeable necessity of being obliged to be now confined in Boston Gaol to answer a demand of his contending brethering on the [Amherst-Boston] line. Not only did the new line survive – having the clout of six new proprietors who were the tavern-inn owners along the route (including Chelmsford, Francestown, and Windsor) – but they also acquired the mail contract, and switched to French’s tavern for their Boston stop. [I wonder if Curtis & French engineered the deal. The Amherst post office in 1803 moved to a store on Courthouse Road.]”

While much of the mail that passed through Amherst was carried by the stage lines, additional mail was carried by post riders on routes not served by passenger coaches. One such route ran from Portsmouth to Keene through Amherst. Mail was delivered to Amherst, the Hillsborough County seat, in this manner once every two weeks. The post riders were entitled to the postage- six pence for every forty miles and four pence for less than that distance. Postmasters like Dr. Curtis were permitted to charge two pence on each letter or package forwarded through their post office. Captain Daniel Prior, a native of Nantucket, succeeded Dr. Samuel Curtis as Amherst’s postmaster in 1803. Like Curtis, Prior had spent time in British prisons during the War for Independence, having been taken captive twice while serving on privateers during the conflict. In January 1799, Prior purchased the Amherst house that Dr. Samuel Curtis had erected at 11 Court House Road almost a decade earlier and kept a grocery and dry good store. The Amherst post office operated out of this location from 1803 until Prior’s death in 1808. Pictures of the structure can be found in “Colonial Amherst: The Early History, Customs and Homes” by Warren Upham (1916) and viewed at: http://www.hsanh.org/vewebsite/exhibit1/e10387b.htm . Curtis’ home, one of the first built in Amherst, was burned in 1920 and is no longer extant.

In February 1791, Dr. Samuel Curtis was among thirty-one interested parties to form the Aurean Academy at Amherst, “the end and purpose of which was declared to “encourage and promote virtue and piety, and a knowledge of the English, Greek, and Latin languages, mathematicks, writing, geography, logic, oratory, rhetoric, and other useful and ornamental branches of literature.” On 30 May 1792, presumably celebrating a first full year of classes, the trustees of the Aurean Academy met at the home of Dr. Samuel Curtis and then marched in procession to nearby “Rev. Mr. Barnard’s Meeting House” for the commencement ceremony. Initially opened under the charge of Charles Walker, after an early success, the school was closed in 1801 due to lack of funds. Dr. Curtis was also one of the founding incorporaters of the Amherst Library Society which operated between 1797 and 1832, when its books were sold at auction. In addition, he compiled and published the “Curtis’ Pocket Almanac and New Hampshire Register” annually from 1800 to 1809. The four first of these were printed at Exeter and Walpole, however the final six were printed by Joseph Cushing at Amherst. Perhaps in explanation of his passion for the almanac, it was said of the doctor, “In his old age he loved to hear and tell the news, and relate rare instances which had come under his personal observation or which he had heard.”

Dr. Samuel Curtis served as Justice of the Peace at Amherst in 1802. While in his sixties, Dr. Curtis is recorded in the Diary of Dr. Daniel Cony of Augusta, Maine as a visitor at his brother-in-law’s home on 19 June 1808. Cony was married to Samuel’s younger sister Susannah and had trained in the medical profession under Curtis before the War for Independence. Two years later, Samuel Curtis is identified as a representative of the Amherst Congregational Church to a church council held in Charlestown, MA on 16 October 1810 along with his pastor Rev. Jeremiah Barnard and Robert Means. It appears to be soon after that meeting that Col. Means and Dr. Curtis were appointed to the local committee for the support of schools at Amherst already headed by Reverend Barnard. One biographical source indicates Curtis was for a time, bell-ringer of Barnard’s Meeting House, at a salary of twenty-four dollars per year.

On 11 April 1818, the eighty year old Samuel Curtis offered his pension testimony and gave evidence concerning his personal physical and financial situation. The doctor observes about himself a “lameness of late years”. Including his sixty-six year old wife Abigail in his thoughts, Curtis notes the couple is “but so feeble and infirm that we are oblig[ed to] keep a servant maid & boy on wages”. Regarding his dire finances Curtis testifies “I owe $1500 dollars, which I never can pay”. The most interesting fact about the aging physician’s schedule of real and personal property inventoried as required by the application for government assistance is his personal Library valued at eight dollars, over 11% of his total $72.00 estate. The Revolutionary War veteran was granted a pension certificate on 2 December 1818 for twenty dollars per month with arrears paid back to 4 September.

Not listed as a real estate asset in his pension application, Curtis’ tavern obviously had been sold by the aging physician prior to 1818. An interesting advertisement endorsing new management appears six weeks after the sworn pension testimony was given in the 30 May 1818 edition of the Farmer’s Cabinet under the heading of “Curtis’ Ancient Tavern Stand” stating, Mr. Robert Holmes has taken said stand situated on Amherst plain, N.H. Opposite to the meeting-house and court-house. The former customers of said stand; and others, are respectfully invited to continue their calls at the sign of the Golden Ball, where the subscriber vouches for their kind treatment. (signed) Samuel Curtis”. While appearing to have a financial stake in the success of Holmes’ tenure, the ownership of the tavern appears to have passed out of Dr. Curtis’ hands by the time of an earlier Farmer’s Cabinet account of 7 October 1815 where Theophilus Page advertises the Amherst Coffee-house as “the old established Hotel, at the sign of the golden ball, so many years kept and served by Dr. Samuel Curtis”.

Several ancient writers suggest a melancholy connection between Dr. Samuel Curtis’ choice of inn-keeping over medicine as a source of tragic circumstances which envelope his family. It is noted that the doctor’s oldest son Samuel, Jr.- a house-painter in Amherst- died “in the prime of life, a victim of intemperance” at the age of forty-one on 29 June 1820. His widow Nancy Shepard Curtis was later married to Luther Roby of Concord. The children of Samuel, Jr. who survived childhood and their grandfather were Boston merchant Samuel Curtis and Ann Augusta who died in Concord at the age of sixteen. Dr. Curtis’ daughter Fanny Curtis Thorton was the mother of the other two grandchildren noted in the Continental Navy veteran’s 1822 mortuary notice. Fanny had been married to Matthew Thornton, Jr., a Dartmouth graduate and lawyer, son of a signer of the Declaration of Independence, who also died of intemperance at the age of thirty-four. His widow followed him in death three years later at the age of twenty-six, leaving two young orphaned daughters.

Dr. Samuel Curtis’ wife Abigail died 17 December 1821 at the age of sixty eight. Her mortuary notice in the Boston Post-Boy of 19 December 1774 pays homage, “deeply lamented by numerous friends and acquaintances, Mrs. Abigail, consort of Dr. Samuel Curtis, aged 68 years. By her natural vivacity [quality of being attractively lively and animated] and good sense, under the restraints of the Christian religion, of which she was early a professor; her society became the resort of every age and class of the respectable, among her acquaintances.” Her husband died at Amherst just fifteen weeks later on 31 March 1822. His obituary published in the 6 April 1822 edition of Amherst’s The Farmer’s Cabinet reads, “In this town, on Sunday last, Dr. Samuel Curtis, in the 75th year of his age. His death was occasioned by a paralytic shock, under which he survived, through speechless, and apparently senseless, eight days. He had been the husband of two wives, and the father of eight children, and had buried them all. He has left as descendants only four grand children. He sustained the office and character of a magistrate many years with fidelity and uprightness.” The Hillsboro Telegraph of the same date simply notes, “In this town on Sunday last, of the palsey, Doctor Samuel Curtis, a revolutionary pensioner, aged 74.”

The Continental Navy surgeon and veteran was subsequently interred in Plot 133 of the Amherst Town Hall Burying Ground and his grave marker can be viewed at: http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr&GRid=31096499 . Dr. Curtis’ financial condition late in life is confirmed by the 6 September 1823 edition of the local Farmer’s Cabinet advertisement for “Creditors of the estate of SAMUEL CURTIS Esquire, late of Amherst, deceased, represented insolvent” to present their claims to appointed commissioners Edmund Parker and Robert Means between 2-5 in the afternoon at Ray’s Hotel in Amherst on the first Mondays of November and December. Located on the south side of the Amherst Village Common, Ray’s Hotel was formerly Curtis’ tavern, by then operated by James Ray and his son Henry. In later years, Curtis’ inn at the sign of the Golden Ball was also known as the Fredonia Coffee House, Union Hotel and the Hardy Tavern kept by Elbridge Hardy from 1832 to just before it was destroyed by fire on 3 December 1863.

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Peter Richards, Lieutenant

Peter Richards. Born on 11 February 1754 to Elizabeth Harris (1727-1793) and New London merchant Guy Richards (1722-1782), Peter Richards was recruited for the Continental Navy there. His father was a member of the Committees of Correspondence and Safety for that port town. Along with friend Charles Bulkeley, Richards entered on board the sloop Lizard under the command of Joshua Hempstead, Jr. on 13 January 1776 to sail six days later for Reedy Island, PA. Although the Lizard’s passage was rough, she successfully landed the naval recruits in New Jersey where they were picked up and delivered to Commodore Esek Hopkin’s Continental Navy fleet about 13 February 1776. Richards was appointed midshipman on board the brig Cabot under the command of Captain John Burroughs Hopkins. Serving as Cabot’s 1st Lieutenant was fellow New Londoner Elisha Hinman. In recognition of his service during the New Providence Expedition and subsequent sea battle off Block Island, Commodore Hopkins recommended in June 1776 that Midshipman Peter Richards be promoted to 2nd Lieutenant or Sailing Master. As 2nd Lieutenant, Richards served on the Cabot under his promoted friend Captain Elisha Hinman for both a summer and fall cruise that year. He apparently served as prize-master for the Clarendon brought into New London at the close of September 1776. In late January 1777, Peter Richards was commissioned 1st Lieutenant of the Continental Navy ship Alfred now under Elisha Hinman who succeeded John Paul Jones in that command. About that same time, Nathaniel Richards was commissioned Second Lieutenant of Marines on the Alfred joining his two year older brother and lifelong friend Charles Bulkeley who was the vessel’s Sailing Master.

A merchantman named Black Prince under the command of John Barry before the war, the 30-gun Alfred was acquired by the Continental Congress in November 1775 and placed in commission a month later on 3 December. The vessel had served as Commodore Esek Hopkin’s flagship during the New Providence Expedition and is documented to have been the first Continental Navy ship to fly the Grand Union flag. After superintending a major refit, Captain Hinman brought the work on Alfred to completion by mid-May. This autograph receipt is dated twelve days before the Continental Navy ship Alfred sailed from Portsmouth bound to France in company with the newly-constructed 32-gun frigate Raleigh on Friday 22 August 1777. Two weeks later on September 4, the two vessels encountered HMS Druid and despite Raleigh’s punishing attack, the severely damaged enemy warship escaped. Resuming their course, Alfred and Raleigh reached France on 6 October 1777. Several months later on December 29, the two again departed port in company homeward bound with military stores. After cruising the coast of Africa, the pair made a trans-Atlantic crossing to the West Indies where the ship Alfred was taken by British frigate Ariadne and sloop Ceres a little windward of Barbados on 9 March 1778, at least partly as a result of Captain Thompson and the Raleigh avoiding engagement.

Alfred’s officers and men were taken to Barbadoes as prisoners. Here Peter Richards and his brother Nathaniel , were recognized by British Captain Nicholas Vincent of the 74-gun Yarmouth, as he knew the Richards’ boys as children through his intimacy with their father’s family. Through the influence of Ariadne’s Captain Pringle and the intercession of Elisha Hinman, Nathaniel Richards was permitted to return home on parole. Captain Vincent of the Yarmouth took Hinman and five other officers including Lieutenant Peter Richards on board his vessel, transporting his captives to England where they were confined at Forton Prison on 18 July 1778. Confined at Forton but a short time, Captain Hinman escaped by digging under the wall of the prison on a dark, rainy night and walking ten wet miles before finding sanctuary with an American sympathizer who arranged for a Londoner to spirit the Continental Navy Captain off to safety in France. Soon afterwards Richards and Alfred’s other officers also escaped by digging under the prison walls, escaping to London and from there to France. The pension testimony of Alfred’s Third Lieutenant Charles Bulkeley reveals that himself and Peter Richards “took passage from Bordeaux to Baltimore and off the Cape of Virginia was again taken. A few days after which he & Lieut. Peter Richards were put on shore, about ten leagues to the southward of Cape Henry & traveled on to Boston, where they arrived in 1779 when they settled with the Navy board.” Within a few days of his return to Now London in the spring of 1779, Lieutenant Peter Richards was married at Groton on 19 April 1779 to twenty-four year old Catharine Mumford (1754-1805), oldest daughter of prosperous New London merchant Thomas Mumford. According to the autobiographical account of friend Christopher Prince published in 2002, Richards and his new bride had become engaged before he went to sea the previous summer.

His Continental Navy service completed, in June 1779 Peter Richards followed his former skipper Elisha Hinman in command of the 10-gun Connecticut privateer sloop Hancock, owned by his father-in-law. That same month Richards and the Hancock in a cruise off Sandy Hook, NJ took five prizes- the British privateer sloop Ariel, British prize sloop Eagle, the armed schooner Hawke and two other unnamed sloops. Richards took a one year hiatus before returning to command the sloop Hancock again between late May and November 1780. It was during this time that Catharine and Peter Richards first child was born in January 1780. During the happy time of Thomas’ infancy, Captain Richards and the sloop Hancock took at least five prizes including the brigs Friendship and Cornelius, schooner Comet and sloops Hibernia and Venus. Fascinating details of two cruises made by Christopher Prince on the Hancock under Richards during the summer and autumn of 1780, along with another cruise on the Marquis de La Fayette in April 1781, are to be found in the “Autobiography of a Yankee Mariner” by Michael J. Crawford (2002). A number of primary sources for Peter Richards time as master of the sloop Hancock can be found in Collection 11 at the G. W. Blunt White Library at Mystic Seaport. The financial success of Richards’ cruises during this time can be inferred by both Prince’s $10,000 settlement with shipowner Thomas Mumford at the completion of his service and the contents of a letter sent from Mumford to George Washington on 8 September 1780. “Sir, Tho’ I have not the Honor of a personal acquaintance with your Exelency, your ardour in Support of the Independance of these United States demand my warmest gratitude…I am happy at this time to have it in my power to Regale you with some five Years old Madiera Wine, intended for our Enemies officers in New York, and beg your acceptance of the best Pipe from a Cargo of Three Hundred Captured by Capt. Peter Richards in my Privateer Sloop Hancock… I wish you may Receive it in the purity it goes from Hartford.”

Sadly for the newly-wed couple, ten month old Thomas Mumford Richards died 25 October 1780, his mother already two months pregnant with their second child.. With the passing of his first-born son and his tenure on the sloop Hancock completed, Peter Richards took command of the 16-gun Connecticut privateer brig Marquis de La Fayette owned by Andrew Perkins & Co. on 7 February, soon afterwards taking two British prizes in the spring of 1781. On 18 July 1781 Richards was commissioned to an 18-gun Connecticut privateer brigantine also named Hancock, owned by his father-in-law Thomas Mumford along with Joseph Packwood and the Norwich firm of Howland & Coit. This vessel was previously known as the British prize brig “The Whim”. Cruising off of Fire Island Inlet in late July in company with Connecticut privateers Deane and Active, Captain Peter Richards and the brig Hancock took an unnamed prize sloop. Three weeks later, now in company with Connecticut privateers Young Cromwell, Randolph and Sampson; Richards captured the British sloop Swallow and brig Venus. No doubt 11 April 1781 brought another happy occasion with the Richards’ household celebrating the birth of Catharine Havens Richards.

It was the brig Hancock on which former Continental Navy Lieutenant Peter Richards arrived at New London on 31 August 1781 and volunteered his services for the defense of Fort Griswold upon encouragement by commanding officer Colonel William Ledyard who had earlier assisted Richards with the manning of his vessel. One week later on September 6, British General Benedict Arnold raided and burned the town, attacking the fort whose layout he was familiar. Earlier that morning, Richards had gone on board the Hancock seeking volunteers to accompany him in aiding the garrison at Fort Griswold. It is said his entire crew followed their captain into battle where Peter Richards was killed in action, one of the 88 of about 165 defenders massacred by British forces. When the enemy finally breached the fort’s defenses and Colonel Ledyard surrendered his sword, he was run through with it and killed. The “Mumford Memoirs” (1900) records Richards’ father-in-law Thomas Mumford’s account of the tragic details, “About 1000 picked British and foreign Troops who attacked that fort Sword in hand & were Repulsed halfe an Hour, during which time the Enemy Suffered About one quarter of their Number in Killed & wounded, but being overpowered in numbers Colo Ledyard finding the Enemy had gained Possession of Some part of the Fort and Entering at the Gate, having three men Killed, tho’t proper to Surrender himself with the Garison prisoners, & presented his Sword to an Officer who Recd the Same & immediately Lunged it thro the Brave Commandant, when the Ruffians (no doubt by order) pierced him in many places with Bayonets. “Lieuts. Chapman & Stanton of the Garison with upwards of 70 others were inhumanly Murdered with the Colonel…My Son, Captain Peter Richards makes one of this number.” It is also reported that as Colonel Ledyard was stricken, “Captain Peter Richards and a few others, standing near, rushed upon the enemy and were killed, fighting to the last.” Richards’ former lieutenant, Christopher Prince writes that his friend suffered “32 bayonet holes in his murdered body”. Killed on his wife’s twenty-seventh birthday, former Continental Navy Lieutenant Peter Richards was buried at Norwich City Cemetery leaving his widow in the care of their five month old infant daughter Catharine.

The following month on 11 October Captain Lodowick Champlin of New London was named to succeed Richards in command of the brig Hancock. Catharine Mumford Richards would survive her husband by twenty-four years and one day, passing at the age of fifty-one on 7 September 1805. The couple’s daughter Catharine had been married just three years earlier on 23 October 1802 to Levi Huntington, Jr. After Catharine Richards Huntington died at the age of thirty-seven on 6 August 1818, she was buried with her parents and only sibling in the family plot at Norwich City Cemetery.

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Isaac Hanson, Marine and Seaman

Isaac Hanson. Born at Dover, NH on 3 June 1758, Isaac Hanson was the youngest son of a number of children born to Isaac Hanson, Sr. (1713-1758) and Susannah Canney (1715-1760). Despite grandson Isaac Walter Hanson’s assertion in his 1895 application to the Sons of the American Revolution noting Isaac’s birthday as 3 July 1758, it is presumed the veteran’s own pension testimony is the accurate date. The infant’s father died intestate “in an apperplect fit” on 15 January 1758, six months before the future Continental Navy marine and seaman was born. Isaac’s mother would follow her husband of seventeen years to the grave on 9 August 1760 when he was just two years old. Although it is suspected to be his mother’s brother Ichabod Canney, it is not known for certain in whose Dover household the orphaned boy was raised. At the age of twenty-one on the fourth or fifth day of June 1779, Isaac Hanson enlisted as a marine for six months on board the sloop-of-war Ranger, then at Portsmouth. Hanson’s first cruise, during which several prizes were taken, went to the Fall of 1779 when the Ranger under the command of Thomas Simpson returned to Portsmouth. That is where and when Joseph Roberts, then of Rochester, first met Hanson when Roberts enlisted on the vessel as a marine that Autumn. According to Roberts deposition in Hanson’s pension record #W-2626, the two soon became well acquainted. After a short time at Portsmouth, the sloop of war Ranger sailed on to Boston where a number of the crew left service, their enlistment being expired. Isaac Hanson stayed on board the Ranger there when it joined the squadron under Commodore Abraham Whipple, including the Continental Navy vessels Providence, Queen of France and Boston, assembled for the relief of Charleston, SC. When the fleet left Boston, Hanson was sailing as an ordinary seaman rather than as a marine.

Isaac Hanson, along with the balance of the Ranger’s crew and indeed the officers and men of the entire Continental Navy fleet, were surrendered at the fall of Charleston on 12 May 1780. Like his compatriots, Hanson was imprisoned at Charleston for about a month and then sent in June 1780 to Philadelphia on a cartel to await exchange. While at Philadelphia, Isaac Hanson was hospitalized due to sickness and it was in that place and condition that Joseph Roberts last saw him before the close of the war. According to his pension record, Hanson recovered his health about September 1780 and the bachelor immediately enlisted on the sloop-of-war Saratoga, launched just five months earlier under the command of Captain John Young. Hanson’s testimony concerning his time on the Saratoga is that they soon went to sea, took a ship and soon after a brig- that he was put on board the brig as one of the prize crew and sailed the vessel back to Philadelphia, arriving in February 1781. Prior to Hanson’s enlistment, the Saratoga had departed Philadelphia on 13 August 1780 escorting the packet Mercury with the former President of the Continental Congress Henry Laurens aboard bound for Europe. After being released from escort duty and training the ship’s crew for engagement, Young and the sloop-of war Saratoga fell in with the British Navy brig Keppel and fought a long indecisive battle in gale force seas on 9 September 1780. Several days later, the Saratoga returned home where she took the British merchant ship Sarah off the Delaware Capes without resistance, anchoring off Chester in the Delaware River. By 18 September, the Saratoga was again cruising at sea where one week later she retook the brig Elizabeth captured several weeks earlier by the British privateer Restoration. In early October 1780, the 22-gun letter-of-marque Charming Molly and small schooner Two Brothers fell prey to Captain Young’s aggressive tactics. The two prizes proved to be part of a small merchant fleet which the Saratoga pursued. On 10 October 1780, the sloop-of-war Saratoga captured both the ship Elizabeth and brig Nancy prizes as well. Before eluding the 74-gun British ship-of-the-line Alcide and returning to anchorage at Chester on 14 October 1780, Young’s Saratoga retook one more enemy prize the brig Providence. It is during this time between mid-October and mid-December while being refitted at Philadelphia when it is presumed seaman Isaac Hanson enlisted on the vessel, a replacement for one of many who left the sloop-of-war to man her prizes. On 15 December 1780, the sloop-of-war Saratoga sailed again from Philadelphia bound for Hispaniola to escort merchantmen and obtain military goods shipped from France. Five days later, the Saratoga was confronted by the British privateer Resolution which struck her colors after receiving a single devastating broadside. After returning to Lewes, DE just long enough to disembark Resolution’s prisoners on New Year’s Day 1781, the Continental Navy vessel sailed again for Hispaniola. On 9 January 1781, the sloop-of-war Saratoga fought a “smart engagement with the 20-gun British letter-of-marque Tonyn sailing out of St. Augustine, inflicting fourteen casualties on the 52 man crew. After taking a day at sea to repair both vessels, the pair resumed course for Captain Young’s destination.

The Saratoga met the armed brig Douglas of Glasgow, under the command of Captain Archibald Greg, conveying a cargo of wine from Madiera to Charleston, SC on 16 January 1781. It is this prize, taken without resistance, which is presumed to be the brig that Isaac Hanson joined as a member of the prize crew. The Pennsylvania Packet of Saturday 24 February 1781 reports that the prize Douglas arrived the day before. The newspaper account adds that Saratoga “also took a schooner from St. Augustine and sent her to Cape Francois.” The Pennsylvania Packet of 6 March 1781 advertises the sale of her cargo of Poland starch and three hundred “pipes” of fine Madiera wine to be held at Willing & Morris’ Wharf, presumably the berth of the prize brig, on the following Monday 12 March 1781. The sale of the vessel was to follow at 6 o’clock that same evening at the “Coffee House” where talk no doubt surrounded the success of the sale of her cargo which was hammered down at over $300 per pipe. Seaman Isaac Hanson would only later appreciate the circumstances which would return him to Philadelphia without his shipmates. Just days after the auction on 15 March 1781, the Continental Navy 18-gun sloop-of-war Saratoga under the command of Captain John Young, in company with Continental frigates Confederacy and Deane and the Philadelphia privateer Fair American, sailed from Cape Francois, Haiti escorting a convoy of fifty-six merchant vessels bound for France and another thirty-two bound for America. On the morning of 18 March, the French and American vessels had separated with the American-bound merchantmen in convoy with the Confederacy, Deane and Fair American. By that time the sloop Saratoga had veered off to the West of the fleet in pursuit of two enemy sail attempting to escape to the safety of the British-held Bahamas. In the early afternoon, with the American fleet out of sight, Saratoga approached within gunshot of a lightly armed snow bound from South Carolina to London. Shortly thereafter on 18 March 1781, the snow struck her colors and Captain Young had her manned by a prize crew under the command of Midshipman Nathaniel Penfield. It was nearly four o’clock in the afternoon by the time Penfield evacuated the prize’s men back to the Saratoga and the two vessels resumed the chase for a second target. In an instant, the already choppy seas were met by an intense squall and severe wind. By the time Midshipman Penfield and his small crew brought the newly won prize under control after heeling precariously before the gusting wind, the sloop-of-war Saratoga had vanished from sight with all hands lost.

Isaac Hanson’s pension testimony states that upon his arrival in Philadelphia on Saratoga’s prize brig, the seaman was ordered on board the Continental frigate Trumbull while he remained in port awaiting the return of the sloop-of-war Saratoga. Captain John Young and all those officers and men, other than those like Hanson, Penfield and Lieutenant Joshua Barney who were providentially placed on prize crews, would never return home. Isaac Hanson’s concluded his Continental Navy service in the War for Independence by “staying with” the Trumbull until June 1781. Hanson relates in his pension testimony that “after waiting there and hearing nothing from said ship [Saratoga], he left the public service and went to sea on board a merchantman.” This would account for his grandson’s assertion in his 1895 application to the Sons of the American Revolution that “There is a tradition that he also served on a privateer. Fortuitously for Hanson he did not remain on the Trumbull, the last surviving frigate of the thirteen originally authorized by the Continental Congress in 1775, which sailed on 8 August 1781. Twenty days later, Captain James Nicholson would surrender the frigate Trumbull after a severe engagement in which eleven Americans were wounded and five killed. Later Nicholson wrote “Seeing no prospect of escaping in this unequal contest, I struck.”

After the peace, Isaac Hanson resided at Dover, NH perhaps on the land bequeathed to him by his father in the year of his birth but not administered until 6 April 1771 when Isaac was just thirteen years old. Although orphaned as a toddler, a division of his parents’ estate was not made until Isaac’s only and older brother Tobias requested it. As eldest son, Tobias was granted a double share in their father’s land including “the Dwelling House and Part of the homestead…beginning by the main Road that Leeds through Cochecho” containing approximately nineteen acres. While the youngster’s four sisters Lydia Watson, Hannah, Susannah and Rose Hanson also received lands formerly belonging to their father’s estate; Isaac Hanson was bequeathed “Part of the homestead Land Containing nine acres more or less.” By the time Isaac returned to Dover after the war he would have been in his mid-twenties. According to Hanson’s pension testimony he remained at Dover until his late thirties, moving about twenty miles up the Cochecho River valley from Dover in 1796 to the farm at Farmington where he remained the balance of his life. Two years later on 6 September 1798, Isaac Hanson was married to thirty year old Mary Jones of Rochester, located about halfway between Dover and Farmington. The couple appears in the 1800 Census record at Farmington with one young female in their household between the ages of ten and fifteen. As the couple was married only two years at the time and she does not appear in the census record ten years later, this young woman appears to have been a kinsman or the daughter of an earlier marriage. The 1810 Census records two females under the age of ten, suggesting Mary and Isaac Hanson’s two oldest children together were daughters. By the time of the 1830 Census, the Hanson household totaled nine and was obviously multi-generational. In addition to the aging veteran now in his early seventies and a wife ten years his junior, the family group consisted of two males and two females in their twenties with two female children between the ages of five and nineteen, along with another adult female between 30-19 presumed to be one of the dependent daughters appearing in the census records of twenty years earlier. The 1840 Census records reveal that in the intervening ten years eighty-two year old Isaac Hanson became the sole male remaining in the household despite the fact that three other women between the ages of twenty and thity-nine in addition to his wife, still lived under his roof. It is supposed his only identified son Joseph Jones Hanson had by then taken up residence with his wife Hannah Hayes Twombly elsewhere. It is their son; Auburn, ME attorney Isaac Walter Hanson born on 13 May 1846, who made application to the Maine Society of the Sons of the American Revolution naming the wartime naval service of his grandfather.

Continental Navy veteran Isaac Hanson died on 8 January 1847 at the age of eighty-eight. Hanson’s pension documents include the testimony of his neighbor John Walker who was present when he died and superintended his funeral. Hannah Walker stated that she knew Isaac’s wife Mary Jones from the time of her birth and that “the Hanson family and theirs lived within one fourth of a mile of each other for over forty years.” Son Joseph J. Hanson also attested to the fact that he was present at his father’s death and funeral. Based on a notation in “Abstract of Graves of Revolutionary Patriots” by Patrica Law Hatcher (1983) it is supposed that Isaac Hanson is buried in the Jones Cemetery at Farmington, NH. This cemetery is quite small, boasts just a few headstones and is located about equal distance from both Farmington and Rochester on Perry Road. Isaac’s wife Mary Jones Hanson applied for a widow’s pension a year after his death in the amount of one hundred dollars per annum and was also granted a Bounty Land Warrant for his wartime service in 1855. Mary Hanson died on 10 February 1868 in Farmington at the advanced age of 100 years and twenty-six days.

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